
Glass 
Book_ 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



The Psychology of Learning 

An Advance Text in Educational Psychology 



By 

William Henry Pyle 

University of Missouri 




BALTIMORE 

WARWICK & YORK. Inc. 

1921 



l^% 



Copyright, 1921, by 
WARWICK & YORK, INC. 



S)C!.A530355 

SEP 24 '21 



A\iQ 






CONTENTS. 

I The nature of learning 1 

II The learning curve 16 

^_ III Economical learning 36 

IV Economical learning, general factors 53 

V Economical learning, special factors 73 

VI Ideational learning 91 

VII The retention of experience 113 

VIII The nature of learning capacity . . .' 158 

AX Measuring learning capacity 175 

X Differences in learning capacity 193 

XI Transference and interference 213 

XII Fatigue and learning 245 

XIII Inborn nature and learning 270 

XIV Measures 283 

Bibliography 294 

Index 305 



PREFACE. 

In this book I have tried to state every thing that is 
known about learning. All the experimental work that 
throws any light on the nature of learning has been 
carefully examined, and in the light of the experimental 
results I have endeavored to give the present impartial 
verdict of educational psychology. Throughout, I have 
tried to keep within the facts. When the evidence does 
not warrant a definite conclusion, I say so. The few 
cases of theory and speculation are plainly labeled as 
such. The practical significance to the teacher of the 
facts discussed is pointed out. 

The successful use of this book will depend upon two 
things : first, experimentation ; and second, application. 
Educational psychology is an experimental science. All 
its facts come from experimentation and careful obser- 
vation. These facts, whenever possible, should be dem- 
onstrated or illustrated by class room demonstrations 
and experiments, or by experiments and observations 
outside the class room. Directions for demonstrations 
will be found throughout the book, but the teacher must 
use his own ingenuity in adapting the experiments to 
his needs and in devising others. And always, the facts 
must be carried over to their practical application. The 
students must see the source of the facts and the use of 
the facts in teaching. The book contains many tables 
and figures. The mastery of the book will depend upon 
an understanding of the meaning and significance of 
the tables and graphs. 

W. H. P. 



Chapter I. 
THE NATURE OF LEARNING 

What is learning? What are its results? After we 
have learned, in what way are we different from what 
we were before? After a child has been in school for a 
few years, he can read, write, spell, and perform vari- 
ous other acts. He also knows that Columbus discov- 
ered America, that George Washington was our first 
president; he knows the name of his country, of his 
state, and of our nation ; he knows many other facts in 
geography, history, arithmetic, and the other branches 
of study, and many hundreds of other facts that he has 
not learned at school and that may not be in any organ- 
ised branch of study. The difference in the child that 
has come from learning, then, is that he can do things 
and knows things that he could not do and did not know 
before. He has knowledge and habits that he did not 
possess before. The results of learning, therefore, are 
knowledge and habits. And from the point of view of 
its results, learning may be defined as the process of 
forming habits and acquiring knowledge. This, how- 
ever, is but a superficial statement of the facts. We 
must know the nature of knowledge and of habits before 
we can understand the nature of learning. 

Habits. — A habit is an act following with more or 
less regularity upon the presentation of a definite 
stimulus, to which it has become coupled through 
experience. Writing, reading, and spelling are such 

[1] 



2 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

acts. In writing, the stimulus is the idea of the word 
to be written. The movements of the arm and hand in 
writing the word constitute the response. In reading, 
the stimulus is the perception of the printed or written 
characters. The response, in oral reading, is the move- 
ment of the various organs of speech. In spelling, the 
stimulus is the idea of the word to be spelled. The 
response is the movements of the hand and arm in 
writing the word, or in oral spelling, the movements 
of the organs of speech as in reading. In all habits, 
the stimulus is either a perception or an idea. The 
response is muscular movement. When we say the 
stimulus is a perception or idea, we mean the cortical 
excitation which is the physiological correlate of the 
idea or perception. Throughout this book we shall 
speak of ideas in this v/ay without committing our- 
selves to the doubtful theory of interactionism. We 
believe that in a scientific psychology mental processes 
must not be used as elements in a causal series. When 
we so use them it is for simplicity of statement, and 
with the understanding that the cause indicated is the 
brain action and not the mental process. 

Knowledge. — Knowledge is also a special form of 
organised experience. Suppose, for example, I am sit- 
ting at my desk writing and become cold. The idea 
comes to me that coal should be put into the furnace. 
I know that if coal is put into the furnace and the draft 
of the furnace is opened, the room will become warm 
and I will become warm. This knowledge is the result 
of experience. Just as in the case of habit, a definite 
response — action — follows upon a definite stimulus, so 
also in the case of knowledge, an idea follows upon 
another idea or upon a perception. In both cases, the 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING 3 

definite sequence is due to experience, and usually to 
repeated experience. At any rate, the repetition of the 
experience makes the sequence more probable. We 
may now define learning- as the process of coupling 
responses with stimuli, and ideas with ideas or per- 
ceptions. It is the establishing of definite sequences in 
the passage of stimuli into responses, or in the passage 
of perceptions or ideas to other ideas. 

An Objective Consideration. — A strictly objective 
consideration reduces both forms of learning to one. 
If we study another person to ascertain the results of 
learning, we find only definite forms of behavior follow- 
ing upon definite situations. For example: if we ask 
a child to take pencil and paper and write the word 
America, he takes his pencil and makes the proper 
letters in the proper sequence. If we ask him to tell 
us the name of the largest city in the United States, 
he says the proper word. In answer to our questions, 
we get from the child always some form of action, as 
movement of the hand in writing, or of the tongue 
and mouth in speaking, or merely a nod or shake of 
the head in assent or dissent. Briefly, we learn in an 
obective study only about behavior. If we study our- 
selves, however, we can see a difference in the results 
of learning. We may sit perfectly still in our chair and 
have the idea Napoleon followed by the idea General 
of the French Revolution. There need be no move- 
ment of any muscle of the body involved in the sequence. 
It may be that the idea General of the French Revolu- 
tion is followed sooner or later by muscular move- 
ments, but such movements, even granting that they 
take place, have nothing to do with the above mentioned 
sequence. The only important thing to me who has 



4 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

these ideas is, that they are coupled together. The 
movements that may follow are not necessary to the 
sequence itself. The essential thing in knowledge is 
idea. The essential thing in habit is movement. 

It may of course be said that / know nothing of 
another^s ideas except through his movements. True 
enough, but he does. It may also be said that ideas 
are worth nothing to the world except as they issue in 
movement. This is also true. But my ideas may be 
worth something to me and not issue in movement. 
They may give quite as much pleasure and satisfaction 
as any that issue in movement. Neither the fact that 
the objective value of ideas depends upon their issuing 
in movement, nor the fact that we can not know 
another's ideas except through this other person's 
movements has anything to do with the existence of 
the ideas themselves and the connections or sequences 
that are organised among them. Each of us knows for 
himself that he has habits and organised ideas or 
knowledge. This distinction between the two aspects 
of the results of learning — objective and subjective — 
is clear, and it is a helpful one to make in our study 
of the psychology of learning. 

Physiological Considerations. — It is evident that all 
learning is connecting stimulus with response, idea 
with idea. We have now to enquire concerning the 
nature of this connection. We have spoken of it above 
as a sequence, but have not explained the cause of the 
sequence. The sequence itself is evident, in the case 
of habit to objective obsei*vation ; in the case of knowl- 
edge to internal observation. But why the sequence? 
What underlies it? Of course it may be said, and 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING 5 

truly, that the sequence is detei-mined by repetition of 
experience. This is the cause of the sequence as one 
sees it on the outside by objective observation of 
behavior. But what has happened on the inside, in 
OUT bodies, to determine the sequence? Now a stimulus, 
in the simplest cases, is due to the excitation of some 
sense organ, and a response is a muscular contraction. 
The excitation passes over a neurone or series of neu- 
rones to a muscle or group of muscles and brings about 
a contraction. The process of learning, in habit forma- 
tion, consists in doing something that insures, with 
more or less certainty, that the stimulus shall go to a 
certain muscle rather than to some other. This doing 
something consists in reducing the resistance along 
the nervous route that leads to the proper muscle or 
group of muscles. Stimulation or excitation passing 
through the nervous system is guided and directed by 
nothing other than the various resistances offered by 
the parts of this system. And learning consists, physi- 
ologically, in building up and establishing preferential 
routes in the nervous system. A preferential route 
depends upon the fact that this route offers less resist- 
ance to the particular form of excitation than do other 
routes. This smaller resistance is due in most part to 
previous passages of the same kind of excitation along 
the same route. 

It must be pointed out that preferential i^outes are 
not fixed and static things, nor absolute and perma- 
nently definite. We can never be quite certain as to 
what route any stimulus will take. It is always merely 
a matter of probability, for the reason that nervous 
resistance is subject to great variation, is influenced 
by many factors, such as fatigue, temporary blood sup- 



6 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

ply in the pai-ts involved, immediately preceding stimu- 
lation, other concuiTent stimulation, the feeling accom- 
paniments, etc. In the light of these facts, we should 
say that learning, in habit-formation, consists in 
increasing the probability, other factors being equal, 
that a given stimulus will take a certain course. Learn- 
ing can probably yievei' insure that a given stimulus 
will, in spite of all other factors, go over into a certain 
response. As well as we knov/ our own name, there 
come times when we can not immediately say it upon 
being asked. As well as we know to say "eighty one" 
for the stimulus nine times nine, there come times when 
we can not immediately do it. 

The physiological basis of knowledge is precisely the 
same as that of habit. Knowledge is a matter of one 
idea following another idea. Now the reason that a 
certain idea, as x, follows idea a, is that the cerebral 
excitation underlying the idea a passes over and causes 
the excitation underlying the idea x. That the excita- 
tion takes this course rather than some other, and 
brings about the idea x rather than some other idea, 
as y or z, is due, as in habit, to preferential routes in 
the central nervous system. From the point of view 
of the nei*vous system, there is no difference whatever 
between habit and knowledge. From this point of 
view, all learning is the establishing of differential 
resistances in the central nervous system. The paths 
of smaller resistance have been called "bonds," because, 
in a sense, they bind together stimulus and response, 
or idea with idea. 

Securing the Initial Connection.-— Learning is con- 
necting, but we must now ask how the connection is 
first secured. In the case of habit, how does the person 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING 7 

who is foiTning the habit get the stimulus to pass over 
to the desired response in the first place? Suppose we 
wish to couple the stimulus ''five times five" with th6 
response "25," we have only to tell the child to say- 
that five times five equals twenty-five, and he says it. 
He is able to say ttventy-five when he wishes, and he 
can couple it to any stimulus of his own volition. He 
has long since mastered this response. But suppose 
it is a very young child and we ask him to make the 
letter a. We can show him the letter and tell him to 
make one like it. The perception of the letter may be 
considered the stimulus. But the child can not imme- 
diately make the letter. This is a response which he 
has not yet mastered. How does he master it? With 
pencil in hand he continues to make marks on the paper. 
The results of the first trials may have no resemblance 
to the letter a. The stimulus being maintained, the 
efforts continue. Each time the response is somewhat 
different. Slowly the marks begin to resemble the copy. 
This form of learning has been named the trial and 
error method. It is the only method in habit-forming 
ivhen the movement involved has not already been 
mastered and coupled with the idea of the movem.ent 
as its stimidus. 

During the early years of infancy the child, by the 
trial and error m.ethod, is learning to make movements 
with all the muscles of his body. Especially is he get- 
ting control of legs and arms and hands and feet and 
of the vocal organs. In these early years he learns to 
make nearly all possible movements with his hands 
and vocal organs, and these movements are organised 
with the cortical substrate of their corresponding ideas 
as their adequate stimuli. This learning is so far 



8 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

advanced when the child enters school, that he can 
make with some degree of precision, any kind of mark 
he is shown or told to make. He can also make any 
sounds he hears or is told to make. These last two 
statements are not wholly true, for there will be some 
movements and sounds not wholly mastered. But most 
of the movements and vocal responses have been mas- 
tered, so that little trial and error learning is left to 
be done. Many of the child's responses will be crude 
and will have to be perfected through practice. The 
method of perfecting them is the trial and error method. 
The fact is, that when a child enters school much learn- 
ing has already taken place. He has partially mastered 
most of the responses that will ever be required of him. 
What remains is to couple these responses to their 
appropriate stimuli, and this is done by what may be 
called the ideational method. This method is possible 
only after the movement involved has been attained by 
the trial and error method and connected with its idea 
as its adequate stimulus. As previously explained, 
when we speak of an idea as a stimulus, we mean the 
cortical activity which is the neural correlate of the 
idea. 

In the case of knowledge, the initial connection be- 
tween the ideas is secured by simultaneous experience. 
If we wish two ideas to be joined together in our minds, 
so that when one of the two ideas comes, the other fol- 
lows, w^e must experience these two ideas together. And 
the oftener the ideas are experienced together, the more 
surely will one arouse the other. Suppose I wish to 
teach a child the names of the parts of a flower and the 
functions of the essential parts of the flower. I show 
him a flower and tell him its name. The idea of the 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING 9 

thing becomes associated with the name through 
simultaneous experience. I then point out the different 
floral organs, the calyx, corolla, stamens and pistil. As 
the child looks at each organ, I pronounce the name of 
the organ upon which his attention is fixed. In this 
manner the things and their names become coupled 
together. Then in a similar manner we couple the 
names of the parts with the functions of the parts. In 
knowledge-getting in all its various fields, our only 
method of connecting ideas together is by experiencing 
those ideas together in a state of attention. Since an 
idea can enter into any number of such connections, 
all of our knowledge becomes connected or related, so 
that we are able to go from any idea to any other idea 
through intermediary ideas. For example, horse is 
connected with buggy through simultaneous experience, 
similarly buggy with city, city with Athens, Athens 
with Homer, Homer with the Iliad, Iliad with school, 
school with a certain classmate, this classmate with 
death, death with heaven. Similarly all the items of 
our experience are united so that we can go either 
directly or indirectly from any bit of experience to any 
other, although the only method of uniting these bits 
of experience is through simultaneous experience. 

The above account of the method by which stimuli 
are first connected wdth their responses and ideas with 
other ideas is objective and to some extent superficial. 
We have described merely what is seen on the outside. 
\Vhat goes on inside is not entirely clear. Why two 
cortical processes which underlie two ideas simultane- 
ously experienced should be so related that when later 
one of these processes is revived it should revive the 
other, is not known. Probably two simultaneous brain 



10 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

processes are to some extent one process, and flow into 
one another, so that they become more or less a unity. 
If such is the case, then later when one of the pro- 
cesses is revived it revives the other because it is really 
a part of the other, or rather they both constitute but 
one process. 

In the case of habit, it may well be asked Vv^hy, when 
a child tries for the first time to make the letter a, 
whatever the first response, does he not continue to 
make the same marks over and over again instead of 
making somewhat different marks at each trial? It is 
possible that the stimulus changes somewhat with each 
trial. The child sees that the first result is not the 
result desired, this very fact makes the stimulus for 
the second attempt a somewhat different stimulus. 
Moreover, the resistances along the various possible 
routes are doubtless not very different so that the 
slightest change in resistance makes the stimulus take 
a somewhat different route producing a different result. 
Probably the fatigue toxins are sufficient to change the 
resistance temporarily. Possibly also the physiological 
correlates of the feeling element involved have their 
effects in varying the resistances and shifting the direc- 
tion of the excitation. These suggestions are entirely 
theoretical, and we must confess that we are ignorant 
of the nature of the neurological processes which con- 
stitute the causes which we are seeking. For the pres- 
ent we must be content with the objective statement of 
facts given above. Fortunately this objective state- 
ment is sufficient for our practical purposes. 

Function of Habits. — Habit is the basis of efficiency. 
It insures, as much as anything can insure, that the 
right response follows upon the appropriate stimulus. 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING 11 

Habit enables us to perform an act with greater accu- 
racy, greater speed, less waste of energy, and conse- 
quently with less fatigue. Motor efficiency is impossi- 
ble except through habit. In whatever field our work 
may be, whether in carpentry, masonry, farming, 
blacksmithing, engineering, or cooking, we become effi- 
cient only through habituating the processes. There 
is no other way. It is true that habituation resists 
change. Through habit we become set and fixed, but 
this is the price that we must pay for efficiency. 

If we consider the function of habit from the mental 
side, the subjective side, w^e find that habit removes 
actions to the control of lower cortical levels, relieving 
the higher levels which are thereby freed for other 
processes which may go on simultaneously. In other 
words, habit removes an act from the state of focal 
attention, leaving the higher attention levels for othev 
processes. For example, when we are learning to run 
a typewriter, the operation of the machine demands 
all of our attention. After we have become expert in 
running the machine, the mere mechanical work 
demands little or no attention. 

Function of Knowledge. — The chief function of 
knowledge is to put meaning into the world. The get- 
ting of knowledge consists in learning the names of 
things and the functions of things. It is only the fact 
that we live a social life and need to communicate with 
one another that makes it necessary to learn the names 
of things. If we lived an individual, solitary life, we 
should not need to know the names of things, therefore 
the essential thing in knowledge is the coupling of the 
thing with its functions. Now all things in the world 
are related, and through experience we leam the func- 



12 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

tions of things, or in other words, their characteristics, 
what they do, what v/e can do with them. The world 
has unity and order in it. Through our experience, 
we get this unity, this order ; we learn the several uses 
to which the various things in our environment can be 
put. For example, Vv^e have experience with a substance 
which we name 17^071. We learn that it is hard, tough, 
heavy, that it gets red when heated, white and malleable 
when heated still more. We learn that we can hammer 
it till it has a shaip edge and then v/e can cut with it; 
that we can mould it into various shapes and make it 
into a multitude of useful instruments and implements. 
In a similar way we learn of all the substances and 
organisms of our environment. We come to know the 
world as it is. This knowledge of the world gives us 
control of the world. The function of knowledge is, 
then, to put meaning into the world, and through this 
meaning to give us control of the world. We build an 
inner, thought world, which corresponds to the 
outer world. The closeness of the correspond- 
ence between our inner world and the outer 
world indicates our approach to the truth. If 
the correspondence is not fairly complete and accurate, 
we are in error, we can not use the outer world. We 
can not use it because we do not really know it. We do 
not have its true meaning. 

Plasticity. — By plasticity as uesed here, we mean the 
ease with which we can be changed, more particularly 
the ease with which new bonds can be established in 
our central nervous system. As we grow old we lose 
plasticity chiefly for the reason that in our earlier 
years definite responses are established for most of the 
situations of life. The passage of the same excitation 
over the same set of neurones, time after time, produc- 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING 13 

ing the same action sets up a path which resists change. 
By the time we have reached middle life, most of the 
situations of life have occurred repeatedly; forms of 
response more or less definite have been established 
for all of them. Therefore, in familiar situations we 
become more set with each succeeding year. However, 
we do not lose plasticity in unfamiliar situations, as far 
as is known, until the decadence of the latter part of 
life sets in. But after we reach middle life there are 
not many unfamiliar fields. There are then very few 
situations which we do not approach with some bias 
or prejudice. Apart from the resistance of bonds 
already formed our ability to form new bonds increases 
up to maturity, and probably does not decrease till after 
middle age. This statement is based on a comparison 
of the learning capacity of men and women in their 
forties with that of children of high school age and 
younger. In fields wherein men and women are not 
incapacitated and hindered by virtue of prejudicial 
bonds already formed they learn as readily as do boys 
and girls, much more readily than young girls and boys. 
Man as the Result of His Learning. — Let us now con- 
sider the importance to our lives of habits and knowl- 
edge. Thomdike has truthfully said that the most 
important thing about human nature is that it can be 
changed. Let us couple with this statement another 
common saying, namely, that a man is the sum of his 
tendencies. A careful consideration of these two facts 
gives us an idea of the importance of education. What 
we are at maturity depends upon the habits and knowl- 
edge that we have. Acquiring these habits and get- 
ting this knowledge constitute our education. Whether 
w^e are a Methodist, Presbyterian or Catholic depends 



14 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

upon our education. Whether we are a repubUcan, 
democrat or socialist depends upon our education. 
Whatever motor performances we are capable of de- 
pends upon our education. Our ideals of life, of work, 
of duty depend upon our education. Briefly, all our 
skill, all our knowledge is merely the result of the bonds 
that have been formed in our central nervous systems. 
In a very true sense a man is made. He is the product of 
all the forces that act upon him, particularly of those 
that act upon him in his earlier years. We do not mean 
to minimise the importance of original nature. The same 
forces do not make the same result out of two different 
children. W^e can not make the same kind of chair out 
of pine that we can out of oak, nor can Vvc make the 
same kind of man out of one child that we can out of 
another. What we are at maturity depends upon the 
modifications that have been wrought upon original 
nature. Bringing about these modifications constitutes 
our education, and education is important to the extent 
that these modifications are important. And they are 
of tremendous importance in the life of every indi- 
vidual. The child comes into the world with a multi- 
tude of original tendencies and capacities. Upon these 
the forces of the environment, of home, school, com- 
panions, and the whole animate and inanimate world 
work, forming and moulding and fashioning the indi- 
vidual into the thing that he is to be, namely a being 
with a background of feelings and passions and in- 
stincts, to which is added a multitude of acquired ten- 
dencies to act in definite ways to the various situations 
of life: a being with myriad ideas all interrelated, each 
idea coupled with others; a being with ideals, ambi- 
tions, desires; a l^eing of hates and loves and jealousies, 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING 15 

— all the resultant of the original tendencies provided 
by heredity and the forces of the environment that 
have acted upon the individual. The changes that are 
wrought in us constitute the results of learning. The 
investigation of their nature and of how they come 
about is the purpose of this book. 



Chapter II. 
THE LEARNING CURVE. 

Progress in learning is ordinarily shown by a curve. 
We must now see how such curves are constructed, 
how they should be interpreted, notice the various 
types of curve, and the laws of learning which they 
exhibit. We must study also the various factors which 
enter into them, and which determine their upper limit. 

The Construction of a Learning Curve. — The purpose 
of a learning curve is to show the increase in efficiency 
due to practice. It is customary to indicate the succes- 
sive practices on the horizontal axis, as BC in Fig. 1. 
The scale for the scores is indicated on the vertical axis, 
AB. The scores are shown by the dots above the num- 
bers on BC which represent the successive practices. 
The line DE joining these dots is the learning curve. 
Its rise indicates the increasing efficiency due to prac- 
tice. 

Another method of constructing the curve is shown 
in Fig. 2. The curve is constructed as follows: In- 
stead of representing successive practices by points on 
the base, we represent them by successive distances. 
The scores are represented by horizontal lines, drawn at 
the proper height and of the same length as the dist- 
ances on the base which indicate the practices. Either 
of these forms of curve shows the facts as well as the 
other, but if curves are to be dra\^Ti with the same 
axes for purposes of comparison, the form of curve 
shown in Fig. 1 is more convenient. 

[16] 



THE LEARNING CURVE 



17 




Figure 1. Learning Curve. Card-sorting, fifteen boxes, live cards 
to the box, experiment continued five days, four sortings first day, 
eight sortings on each succeeding day, 12 subjects. Every sixth 
record is taken for the construction of the curve. The records are 
in terms of cards sorted per minute. 



/>^z. 



^ / 2 3 4 5 6 7 C 

Figure 2. Learning Curve. Data same as for Figure 1. 



18 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

In figures 1 and 2, increasing efficiency is shown by 
^ rise in the curves. The curves indicate the amounts 
of work done in successive equal periods of time. An- 
other method of constructing the curve is to show the 
amount of time required to do successive equal amounts 
of work. By this method, increasing efficiency is shown 
by a fall in the curve. It may be illustrated by the same 
card-sorting data used in constructing the graphs in 
figures 1 and 2. In the card-sorting experiment from 
which this data was obtained, seventy-five cards w^ere 
sorted into fifteen pigeon holes or card trays. Each 
tray was numbered, and the cards were numbered cor- 
respondingly, five to each tray. At each practice, all 
the seventy-five cards were distributed. With each 
practice the time required for sorting the cards became 
less and less. This is shown in Fig. 3. To convert the 
data into the form used in figures 1 and 2, the number 
of cards sorted per minute in each practice was com- 



So 



/"^^j 



Figure 8. Data from same experiment as iu figures 1 and 2. 
Records in terms of number of seconds required to sort the 75 cards. 
Increased efficiency is shown by the fall in the curve. 



THE LEARNING CURVE 19 

puted. Therefore figures 1 and 2 show the increasing 
number of cards sorted per minute in the successive 
practices, v^hile figure 3 shows the decreasing amount 
of time required to sort the seventy-five cards in the 
successive practices. In the discussion of learning 
curves which follows, we shall have in mind the types 
of cui-ve shown in figures 1 and 2, in which efficiency is 
shown by a rise in the curve. 

The Rise of the Curve. — ^Why does the curve rise? 
To what is the increased efficiency due? Increase in 
efficiency from practice is due in general to three 
causes : (1) The establishing of the bond between stimu- 
lus and response. This bond, in physiological terms, is 
the shortest possible route between stimulus and re- 
sponse. (2) The second factor is decreased resistance 
in the established neural bond or route. (3) The third 
factor is the adaptation of the muscles to the special 
movements required. In the present discussion, we are 
considering learning of the habit-forming type, and not 
ideational learning in which the motor element is un- 
important. 

We shall now illustrate the various learning factors 
from the card-sorting experiment. We sit down to the 
experiment for the first time. We take the pack of 
cards in our left hand and remove a card with the right 
hand. Let us suppose the card is number seventeen. 
We look over the box numbers until we find number 
seventeen, and then deposit the card into this box. We 
take another card. Suppose it is number 20. We must 
search for box number 20, and so proceed until all the 
seventy-five cards are distributed. When we have fin- 
ished, we have put five cards into each box. The first 
card sorted was number 17. After a few seconds we 



20 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

came to another card numbered 17. We may have 
remembered the location of this box, more likely we did 
not. But before the first experiment was over we did 
learn the location of some of the boxes and did not have 
to search for them. With each successive sorting, we 
remembered more and more of the boxes, until finally 
we knew the location of all of them and did not have to 
search for any of them. However, it must be pointed 
out that all learning is a matter of degree. I have said 
that we come to know where all the boxes are. We do, 
but at first we know it poorly. The associations come 
slowly. While we do not have to hunt for the boxes, 
the kinaesthetic or visual idea of their location comes 
to us slowly, and the movements therefore follow slowly. 
• With more practice, the movements follow their stimuli 
more quickly, more definitely, more surely. The asso- 
ciative processes run their course faster and faster. 

In the early stages of practice, after we have learned 
the location of all the boxes, we may at any time be 
temporarily unable to recall the location of a box which 
we remembered on a former trial. This is because the 
bonds are only poorly established, and at any moment 
may break down and fail us. With increasing practice, 
this failure of a particular association to run its proper 
course happens less and less, and the certainty that all 
the associations will take place quickly becomes greater 
and greater. But, as pointed out in Chapter I, this cer- 
tainly is never absolute. 

In the early practices, while the neuro-muscular co- 
ordinations are weakly established, the hand often 
starts the wrong way, but before it reaches the box, 
we recall the right place and have to make a second 
movement. With increasing practice, these false move- 



THE LEARNING CURVE 



21 



'• 



4oo 




Figure 4. Learning Curve showing the effects of long continued 
practice. Card-sorting, 30 boxes, five cards to the box. The records 
from which the curve is made are the reciprocals of the scores in 
seconds. These reciprocals are made proportional to the number 
of cards per second. The pr^jctice was first for 20 successive days, 
five practices the first day ; seven, the second ; eight, the third and 
fourth ; nine, on the fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth ; and ten on 
all succeeding days- Fourteen days later, the practice was resumed 
for two days, and seven days latter, for four days. The records 
attended on these latter practices and indicated by the letters 
a, b, and c. Practice was continued at intervals for four months 
longer, a record of 935 being reached, indicated by d on the curve. 



22 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

ments become fewer and fewer. With every -day of 
practice, it becomes more and more certain that when 
we take a card from the pack, the hand will go uner- 
ringly and with no loss of time or waste of motion, to 
the appropriate box. 

It is surprising to one unacquainted with work in the 
psychology of learning to discover how much improve- 
ment is possible after one has learned the location of all 
the boxes. In a few days one knows the boxes so that 
he does not have to hunt for them, but improvement 
will continue for months. This fact is illustrated in 
Fig. 4. Under the author's direction. Miss Rose Ann 
Howe sorted cards for several months. In her experi- 
ment, she sorted 150 cards into thirty boxes, five cards 
to the box. After a few days she knew the location of 
all the boxes, nevertheless improvement continued for 
several months. This fact is even better illustrated by 
the substitution experiment, performed by the same 
subject. In this substitution experiment, letters were 
substituted for the nine digits. There were but "nine 
bonds to form. After two or three five-minute prac- 
tices, these nine bonds are established. However, im- 
provement continues for twenty days, as shown in Fig. 
5. The experiment consisted in transcribing columns 
of numbers into letters according to a key furnished 
the subject. Practice was continued for twenty-five 
minutes at a sitting each day. The key was learned 
during the first day's practice. On the second day the 
average score was 280 substitutions in five minutes. On 
the twentieth day the score was 720 substitutions in 
five minutes. Now since the key was known on the sec- 
ond day, why the greater score on the twentieth day? 
The answer again is that learning is a matter of degree. 



THE LEARNING CURVE 23 




Figure 5. Digit-symbol Substitution, 20 days of practice, five 
practices a day, five minutes at a practice. Records, average 
correct substitutions in five minutes for each day. The days are 
represented on the horizontal axis, the scores on the vertical. 

While the key was known by the end of the first day's 
practice, it was known better on each succeeding day. 
The bonds became better and better estabhshed with 
practice; the certainty that the proper association 
would come instantly became ever greater and greater. 
Moreover, the muscles became adapted to their work. 
With practice, there was less waste of energy through 
false and awkward movements; the muscles gained 
strength and facility in co-ordination. 

Again we have the same three factors of explana- 
tion : forming the primary bonds, strengthening these 
bonds through use, and adapting the muscles to their 
work. In both the card-sorting and the substitution 
experiments, the neuro-muscular systems involved be- 
come organised so that the stimuli run their courses 
with the least possible obstruction and expenditure of 
energy. To summarise : Improvement sho\\Ti by the rise 



24 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

of the curve comes from establishing the proper bonds, 
eliminating the wrong or useless bonds, strengthening 
the established bonds through use, and the adapting 
of the muscles involved to the movements required in 
the habit. 

We shall now give a further illustration of the whole 
procedure by the process of learning to add. Let us 
take a problem of four numbers, three digits each: 

987 
789 
654 
456 
suppose we know merely how to count. We take 
six, count four more and have ten. We then count nine 
more and have nineteen, then seven more and have 
twenty-six. With practice we come to know that six 
and four are ten and then do not have to count, we look 
at six and four, and say "six and four are ten " then 
having learned the other combinations, say ''ten and 
nine are nineteen, nineteen and seven are twenty-six." 
Later we shorten the process and say merely ''ten, 
nineteen, twenty-six." Later still, the six and four be- 
come a unity and mean ten as definitely and directly 
as one figure by itself means "six" and the other "four." 
So the nine and seven come to mean "sixteen," then the 
addition becomes "ten and sixteen are twenty-six." 

In the early stages, we get the sums of the second 
and third columns by the slow process of counting, and 
the process of carrying from the first to the second 
and from the second to the third must be learned. With 
practice, however, we can add two columns at once as 
fast as formerly we could add one column. We can also 
learn to add three columns at once with great speed 
and accuracy. 



THE LEARNING CURVE 



25 



In adding- we first learn all the possible combinations 
of the nine digits. These are the primary bonds, the 
basis of all later schemes of adding. Through practice 
we come to eliminate all useless bonds, as in saying 
"six plus four are ten.'' We simply look at the six and 
four and say "ten." With the ten in mind, we look at 
the nine and say "nineteen." With the nineteen in 
mind, we look at the seven and say "twenty-six." 

After we have learned all the primary combinations, 
practically unlimited improvement is still possible, 
through strengthening the primary bonds, and com- 




FiGURE 6. Pbactice Curve, dealing 53 playing cards into a box, 10 
times a day for 15 days. The records shown on the vertical axis are 
the daily averages, expressed in seconds. It will be seen that the 
time required to deal the pack of cards was reduced to less than a 
third of the time required on the first day. The graphs show the 
records of two women, but of whom were used to dealing cards. 
The amount of improvement shovra, for so simple a function, is 
very great. 



26 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

bining into unitary processes what are at first complex 
processes. As shown above, after we have practiced 
a while, 6+4 are not two things but one thing and 
mean "ten," directly and immediately. With further 
practice, larger and larger groups of digits coalesce, be- 
come a unitary process, and mean their sum. 

All habit-formation of the motor type is essentially 
the same. In general, the same factors are involved. 
The illustrations given above are typical of the processes 
in all complex habits. 

The Limit of Improvement.-— In a simple habit the 
limit is soon reached. What this limit is, is determined 
by the subject's reaction time. Suppose that, instead of 
sorting cards, we take a pack and put all of them into 
the same box as quickly as possible. The neural bond 
is soon established and we reach a limit determined by 
the time required for the nen^ous impulse to travel 
alonfif the necessary route. Such a curve is shown in 
Fig. 6. In general, the more bonds involved in the 
habit, the longer it takes to perfect them. If the bonds 
required are many, say those involved in sorting cards 
into one hundred boxes, improvement would continue 
for many months. 

In such a process as addition, improvement is prac- 
tically unlimited, for higher and higher orders or habits 
can be formed indefinitely. In such a case, improve- 
ment comes not merely from perfecting habits, but 
from developing more and more efficient habits. But 
in all cases in which the habit is definite and can not 
be supplanted by a more efficient habit, there is a limit 
which may be called the physiological limit. This limit 
varies with different individuals, and, as above stated, 
depends upon their reaction times. In the card-sorting 



THE LEARNING CURVE 27 

experiment, the correlation between reaction time and 
efficiency becomes higher and higher with succeeding 
practices. 

Practical Limits. — As pointed out by Thorndike's few 
people in the ordinary pursuits of life, come anywhere 
near their possible limits. In typing, stenography, ac- 
counting, telegraphy, and the various other perform- 
ances of the business and industrial world, workers 
reach a proficiency that enables them to do their work 
reasonably well and hold their jobs. They are not 
willing to put forth the effort that would carry them 
to a higher plane of efficiency. Most of the workers 
are working on an efficiency plane much below what is 
possible for them. One in a hundred, perhaps, puts 
forth such effort and passes up to a higher plane of 
performance. One in a thousand, having great ability 
and great ambition, puts forth the effort that places 
him among the leaders in his trade or profession. 

It is well that the young know this important fact, 
for not only do laborers and clerks work on a level far 
below their possible limit, but students, as a rule, are 
content to continue on a level that just barely enables 
them to "pass." In language they only poorly know 
the declentions, the paradigms, the conjugations, and 
the vocabularies. In mathematics, the tables, the 
formulas, the rules and fundamental principles are not 
sufficiently mastered. The case is similar in science. 
The student should have pointed out to him that the 
elements can be so mastered as to enable him to pro- 
ceed to a higher level of achievement. Means of prac- 
tice and drill should be devised to enable the student 



'E. L. Tliorndike, Educational psychology, briefer course, p. V 



28 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

to pass to a higher level. There is no short-cut ; there 
is no easy way; there is no substitute for drill, prac- 
tice, repetition. Easy, confident, and efficient perform- 
ance in any field comes only from complete habituation 
of the elementary processes. 

Different Forms of Curve. — ^The form of the learning 
curve depends upon the nature of what is learned. Usu- 
ally, the initial rise is rapid, with slower increments 
later. This gives a curve convex on its upper side as in 
Fig. 5. If learning is slow at first and faster later, the 
resulting learning curve is concave on its upper side as 
in Fig. 7. Whatever the form of the curve at first, it 
eventually becomes level or nearly so. As we approach 




Figure 7. Learning Curve, concave upward. Adapted from Swift 
Practice was in ball-tossing. Scores shown on vertical axis rep- 
resent successes. The successive days of practice are represented 
on the horizontal axis. A concave learning cui-ve indicates increas- 
ing increments from the effects of practice. 



THE LEARNING CURVE 20 

our limit in any particular habit, any improvement is 
at the cost of much greater effort than was the case 
in an earlier stage of habituation. 

In the psychological literature there has been much 
discussion of "spurts." By a spurt is meant increased 
efficiency as shown by an abrupt rise of the curve. With 
some subjects and some work there is an initial spurt. 
Sometimes there is a final spurt, particularly if the 
subject knows that the end of the work period is near. 
At any time during a work period a spurt may appear, 
due to a combination of favorable circumstances. The 
relative amounts of work done at different parts of a 
work-i rriod depend upon several factors, particularly 
upon the stage of habituation and how fatiguing the 
work is. In the early stages of habituation, there are 
considerable practice effects during the work period 
which make the later records of, the period high. If 
we are near the limits of practice, the practice effects 
during a work period will be slight. In the latter case 
any difference in the amounts of work done at different 
parts of the period will be due to the effects of fatigue 
and of warming up. In complicated motor perform- 
ances, such as type-writing, the best record is not made 
at the first part of a work-period. Only after i ^ittle 
practice can we do our best. 

In Miss Howe's card-sorting experiment, cited above, 
for the 18th, 19th, and 20th days, the average efficien- 
cies for each of the ten sortings made at a sitting were: 
775, 802, 804, 824, 802, 808, 796, 802, 805, 780. Maxi- 
mum efficiency was not reached till the fourth sorting, 
when the speed was 6.3 per cent, better than it was 
the first sorting. The record for the first sorting was 
the lowest of the ten. 



30 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 




Figure 8. Card-sorting. The upper graph shows the course of 
efficiency during an hour's work in card sorting after the habits 
involved are well fixed. It shows a period of warmiug-up leading 
to maximal efficiency on the fourth practice. The lower curve 
indicates the course of efficiency during an hour's practicebefore 
the habits are well fixed. Maximal efficiency is reached on the 
eight sorting. In tl>e latter case, the effects of practice raise 
the latter scores. The last two scores fall because fatigue offsets 
the practice effects. In the former case, there is little improve- 
ment due to practice in the course of an hour. 



■-.^f^- 



Figure i>. Efficiency Curve for Card-sorting. Solid line from 
the actual data of one subject ; broken line, a smoothed curve 
constructed from the same data, by averaging each record with the 
adjacent records. The first and last record were doubled, added 
to the one adjacent record, and the sum divided by three. The 
number of cards sorted per minute is indicated on the vertical axis. 



: THE LEARNING CURVE 31 

On the 9th, 10th and 11th days, while improvement 
was still marked, the records for the ten practices at 
a sitting were 685, 702, 721, 709, 728, 725, 718, 741, 
725, 720. The highest record was made on the 8th 
sorting, when the speed was about 8 per cent, higher 
than on the first. These facts are shown graphically 
in figure 8. 

Smoothing the Learning Curve. — Ordinarily there 
are fluctuations in the rise of a learning curve. It rises 
fast, then perhaps more slowly; it may even fall, for 
just as a combination of favorable factors makes it 
rise, so a combination of unfavorable circumstances 
may make it fall. There are always many independ- 
ently variable factors that combine to produce a learn- 
ing record. These factors are variously combined at 
different moments of our procedure and produce a 
curve of fluctuating rises and falls. The general ten- 
dency of the curve is better shown if, instead of show- 
ing the actual records, we construct a smoothed curve. 
There are various ways of doing this. We can do it 
roughly by indicating the actual records on our co- 
ordinate paper by dots and then drawing a cui-ve that 
throws as many of the dots on one side as on the other. 
The dots show the actual records, the cui^e shows the 
general tendency of the records. Another method is 
to eliminate the temporary fluctuations of the curve 
by averaging each record with the adjacent records 
above and below. The first and final records are doubled 
and combined with the one adjacent record, and the 
sum divided by three. 

Leai-ning Plateaus. — A plateau or level place in the 
learning cui^ve indicates a period of no progress in 
learning. Such plateaus nearly always appear in the 



32 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

actual work of learning, in school work as well as in 
laboratory experiments. Various explanations for the 
appearance of the plateau have been given. Bryan, in 
his early work on learning, suggested that plateaus 
were due to the fixing of lower order habits. Progress 
due to higher order habits could not come till the lower 
order habits were fixed. But this can not be the expla- 
nation, for fixing of the lower order habits v/ould itself 
give more efficiency, and should give a continuous rise 
of the curve. Book's suggestion that the plateau is 
due to a flagging of interest, a letting up of effort, is 
doubtless nearer the truth for the plateau may appear 
in simple experiments involving a single definite habit. 
The fact seems to be that the plateau is not a necessity 
in learning, theoretically, although in practice it usually 
appears. As long as a learner maintains a high degree 
of attention and puts forth maximum effort, he con- 
tinues to improve till he reaches his limit. But main- 
taining a high state of attention and putting forth 
maximum effort are impossible over long periods of 
time. The ordinary learner usually does his best for 
a time, then because of fatigue, or lack of attention, or 
loss of interest, he relaxes and works at a lower point 
of efficiency. For a time, the records may actually fall 
below previous records. This phenomenon may appear 
during the experiment of a single sitting and be a mat- 
ter of minutes. It may appear in a long series of ex- 
periments and be a matter of days. 

The plateau has much significance to education. When 
it is due to loss of interest and lack of attention, prac- 
tice is not then profitable. At such a time, practice 
should stop or means be found to renew attention and 
effort. Children lose interest very quickly, and soon 



^. THE LEARNING CURVE 83 

cease to put forth eifort in continued work of the same 
kind. Pauses in habit-formation are valuable not only 
because they lead to a renewed interest and effort when 
the work is taken up again, but according to some 
writers, they lead to a weakening of inhibitions which 
had interfered with the habit. Moreover, in habit- 
formation, time is an element which can not be ignored. 
Some sort of fixation goes on in the nervous system; 
this fixation requires time and can not be unduly hur- 
ried. As shown in a later chapter, practice beyond a 
certain amount at one sitting is valueless. And in prac- 
tice extending over many days, only a certain amount 
of improvement is possible, no matter how hard we 
work. 

EXPERIMENTS AND EXERCISES. 

All the principles discussed in this chapter should, 
as far as possible, be illustrated by experiments. Any 
learning experiment v/ill suffice, but for economy of 
time, an experiment should be selected that will show 
rapid improvement. Several experiments are described 
below. The instructor can select those suited to his 
needs, or devise others. 

1. Class experiment. Material, Pyle's Digit-symbol 
substitution test blanks. Method : Distribute about six- 
teen test sheets to each student, placing them face down 
before the student. Explain to the students that they 
are to substitute letters for the nine digits, in accord- 
ance with the key shown at the top of the test sheet, 
and that they are to work as fast as possible. Work in 
five-minute periods, and let the score be the number of 
substitutions correctly made in five minutes. Eight 
such scores can probably be made in a one-hour period. 
The scoring should be left till the experiment is finished. 



34 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

2. From the data obtained in experiment 1, construct 
individual learning curves similar to figures 1 and 2. 

3. Construct a smoothed curve as described in the 
chapter. 

4. Construct a learning curve from the class averages 
for each five-minute period. Note that it is smoother 
than the individual learning curves. Why ? 

5. Laboratory experiment. Card-sorting. Material, 
ordinary playing cards. Method : Shuffle the cards, then 
sort them into four piles according to suit, ^. e., hearts 
together, spades together, clubs together, and diamonds 
together. Detemiine the time for each sorting. Con- 
struct a cun^e similar to figure 3. 

6. Laboratory experiment. Material, card-sorting 
box and cards. Method: Use only one row of boxes, 
five cards to each box, and determine the time required 
for each sorting. The cards must be thoroughly shuffled 
before each sorting. Shuffling is facilitated if the cards 
are taken up after sorting, promiscuously, one at a time. 
Ten sortings can be finished in an hour. Construct 
individual learning curves similar to figure 3. By com- 
puting the number of cards sorted in a minute, curves 
can be made similar to figures 1 and 2. 

7. I;aboratory experiment. Material, mirror-writing 
apparatus. Method: The hand of the writer is to be 
covered from view. He is to see his hand as reflected 
in the mirror, which is vertical before him. The sub- 
ject is to write in script in such a way that the letters 
appear in the mirror as they would on a sheet of paper 
held vertically before him. Let the subjects copy the 
material of the first paragraph in this chapter. Record 
the number of letters written legibly in each successive 
minute. Construct individual learning curves similar 
to figure 1. How do the curves differ from figure 1? 



THE LEARNING CURVE 35 

REFERENCES. 

Batson, W. H., Acquistion of skill, P. Mon, No. 91, 1916. 

Book, W. F., The psychology of skill ivith special reference to^ 
its acquisition in typeioriting , 1908. 

Bryan, W. L., and Harter, N., Studies in the Telegraphic lan- 
guage; the acquisition of a hierarchy of hahits, P. R,, vi, 1899, 
345. 

Chapman, J. C, and Nolan, W. J., Initial spurt in a simple 
Tfiental function, A. J. P., xxvii, 1916, 256. 

Chapman, J. C., and Hills, M. E., Positive acceleration in im- 
provement in a complex function, J. Exp. Psych., i, 1916, 494. 

Peterson, J., Experiments in ball-tossing; the /Significance of 
Learning Curves, J. Exp. Psych., ii, 1917, 178. 

Phillips, F. M., Comparison of the work done in the successive 
minutes of a ten-minute practice period in the fundamentals of 
arithmetic, J. E. P., vii, 1916, 271. 

Swift, E. J., Studies in the psychology and physiology of 
learning, A. J. P., xiv, 1903, 201. 

Thorndike, E. L., Educational psychology. Briefer Course-, 
1914, Chapters xiv and xvi, a Systematic Treatment. 



i 



Chapter III. 
ECONOMICAL LEARNING. 
LENGTH AND DISTRIBUTION OF PRACTICE PERIODS. 
Learning is connecting. After the initial connection 
is secured, we must strengthen and perpetuate it 
through repetition or practice. The first important 
problem in the economy of learning is concerning the 
proper length and distribution of practice periods. By 
proper length and distribution, we mean that length 
and distribution which gives the most return in effi- 
ciency for the amount of time spent in practice. Our 
problem, then, is to find what length and what distri- 
bution of practice periods will give the best returns. 
Or, to state the problem in still a different way : after 
we have secured the passage of a stimulus over into its 
appropriate response, how many times should this pas- 
sage be repeated before we rest? And how long an 
interval should elapse before the processes are re- 
peated ? We turn to the experimental evidence. 

Experiments with Nonsense Syllables. — The early ex- 
periments of Ebbinghaus and Jost showed the advan- 
tage of short periods of practice distributed over a long 
time as compared to longer periods of prcatice distrib- 
uted over shorter lengths of time. All the experiments 
that have since been performed in this field have in 
general confirmed the earlier work and have made it 
clear that for every kind of learning there is a proper 

[36] 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING 37 

length of practice period, and for the different stages 
of habituation, there is also the proper distribution of 
practice periods. 

Jost, comparing ten repetitions a day for three days 
with thirty repetitions in one day, found a saving of 
fifteen per cent., from the shorter periods. From the 
first it has been evident there is a certain advantage in 
spreading practices out, temporally, rather than in con- 
centrating them. There is an aspect of learning that 
requires time, an aspect that resembles growth. Growth 
is a process that can be hastened only to a limited ex- 
tent. Such seems to be the case with habit-formation. 
A certain amount of practice at one time is efficient in 
fixing a habit, more practice at the same time, without 
intennission, does no good, is time wasted as far as 
fixing the habit is concerned. 

More recently Perkins has continued the study with 
nonsense syllables. She states her problem as follows : 
"My own experiments were designed to ascertain how 
much further in the distributioji of readings one might 
go than Jost had gone before a limit would be reached 
in learning nonsense syllables. The best arrangement 
of readings involves two questions, — how many repe- 
titions shoulct be used at each period, and, for each 
number of repetitions per period, what interval be- 
tween periods is best?" In her experiments, she used 
seven-paired series of nonsense syllables. They were 
presented visually at the rate of one in three seconds 
with three seconds interval between. She compared 
one repetition a day with two, four, and eight repeti- 
tions a day. She tested learning by a retention test 
given two weeks after the last presentation of a series, 
and stated her results in terms of the per cent, correct. 



38 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

The average per cent, correct for all the series given, 
for one, two, four, and eight repetitions a day, were, 
respectively, 75.25, 57.75, 42, 13.25. It is seen that one 
repetition a day was most effective, two repetitions 
next in value, four next and eight least effective. In 
Perkins' experiments, each series was presented six- 
teen times. The learning was therefore spread out over 
a period varying from two to sixteen days. 

It is evident from Perkins' experiments, and this 
point has been confirmed by extensive experiments in 
the author's laboratory, that when a series of nonsense 
syllables has been presented to a subject once, further 
presentations at the same sitting have less value than 
the first presentation. After one presentation, to get 
the most value from, another, time must elapse. 

The Substitution Experiments. — In the solution of 
the problem under consideration, three experimenters, 
Dearborn, Starch, and Pyle, used some form of substi- 
tution experiment. 

In some class experiments. Dearborn found ten min- 
utes practice a day better than five minutes twice a 
day. Starch compared four different methods of using 
120 minutes: 10 minutes twice a day for six days, 20 
minutes once a day for six days, 40 minutes every other 
day for six days, and 120 minutes at one sitting. Five- 
minute records were kept. The results are shown in 
Fig. 10. The ten and twenty-minute practices were 
best. There was little difference between ten and 
twenty minute practices. The average speed of the 
ten-minute practices was best, but the final speed of 
the twenty-minute practices was best. Forty-minute 
practices are not so good as ten and twenty, and one 
hundred and twenty minutes at a sitting gave the 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING 



39 



poorest results. The experiment is inconclusive, how- 
ever, because Starch did not measure the learning capa- 
city of his different groups, and part of the difference 
shown by the curves of Starch's four groups is doubt- 
less due to differences in the learning capacity of the 
different groups. For the first tv/o five-minute records, 
the ten-minute and forty-minute groups are better, in- 
dicating better learning capacity. The twenty-minute 




FiorRE 10, From Starch, showing the effects of practice period of 
different lengths. 

group makes a lower record, showing smaller learning 
capacity. In spite of this fact, the twenty-minute group 
makes the best record for the last five or six periods. 
The forty-minute group starts high. Forty minutes is 
evidently too long a peiiod for best results. The fact 
that the 120-minute group is lower for the first two 
five-minute periods shows the group to be the poorest 
leamei^, but the very poor scores made in the latter 
half of the experiment are doubtless chiefly due to 



40 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

method. The legitimate inferences from Starch's ex- 
periments are : a twenty-minute practice period is best, 
a ten-minute period is nearly as good, forty-minute 
period not so good, and a hundred-and-twenty-minute 
period is poorest of all. Starch did not use a thirty- 
minute period, which, in the author's experiments, has 
proven better than longer or shorter periods. 

In the author's attempt to solve this problem, a group 
of students was required first to spend sixteen days in 
a check experiment, in which all used the same length 
of practice period and the same distribution of prac- 
tices. The subjects then used different lengths of prac- 
tice periods, and their learning curves were compared 
with those made when all used the same method of 
procedure. Fifteen, thirty, forty-five, and sixty minute 
periods were compared. The results are shown in tables 
1 and 2. 

TABLE 1. 

DIFFERENT LENGTHS OF LEARNING PERIODS COM- 
PARED ON THE BASIS OF AVERAGjE SPEED. 

Subject. Method. Improvement. 

A 15 minutes 4.8 per cent, less than in check experiment. 

B 30 minutes 30.3 per cent, better than in check experiment. 

C 45 minutes 20.6 per cent, better than in check experiment. 

D 60 minutes 22.9 per cent, better than in check experiment. 

TABLE 2. 

DIFFERENT LENGTHS OF LEARNING PERIODS COM- 
PARED ON THE BASIS OF FINAL SPEED ATTAINED. 

Subject. Method. Improvement. 

A 15 minutes 12.7 per cent, less than in check experiment. 
B 30 minutes 6.1 per cent, less than in check experiment. 

C 45 minutes 3.3 per cent, more than in check experiment. 
D 60 minutes 5.7 per cent, less than in check experiment. 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING 41 

TABLE 3. 

COMPARISON OF DIFFERENT LENGTHS OF PERIODS ON 

THE BASIS OF AVERAGE SPEED, 

SAME AMOUNT OF TIME. 

Subject. Method. Improvement. 

A 15 minutes 22.3 per cent, better than in check experiment. 
B 30 minutes 36.1 per cent, better than in check experiment. 
C 45 minutes 25 per cent, better than in check experiment. 
D 30 minutes 14.8 per cent, better than in check experiment. 

TABLE 4. 

COMPARISON ON BASIS OF FINAL SPEED, 
SAME AMOUNT OF TIME. 
Subject. Method. Improvement. 

A 15 minutes 4.9 per cent, less than in check experiment. 
B 30 minutes 18.1 per cent, more than in check experiment. 
C 45 minutes 5.4 per cent, less than in check experiment. 
D 60 minutes 45.5 per cent, less than in check experiment. 

In table 1 the comparison is made on the basis of the 
average speed of the whole experiment. In table 2 the 
comparison is based on the final speed attained. By 
the latter method of comparison, the forty-five-minute 
practice proves a little better than the thirty-minute 
practice, and an hour gives almost the same return as a 
half hour. In both tables 1 and 2, the subjects are com- 
pared on the basis of the same number of practices, but 
the extreme difference in the total amount of time put 
in is as one to four. It is clear that very little return 
comes after the first thirty minu-tes of practice. The 
fatigue of the latter part of an hour's practice makes 
the record show up poorer than that of a forty-five 
minute period, and but a trifle better than that of 
thirty minutes. 

In tables 3 and 4 we compare the four different meth- 
ods on the basis of the same actual amount of tim^e, and 
of course, different numbers of practice periods. A 



42 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

study of these tables shows that thirty minutes is the 
best length of practice period. The second fifteen min- 
utes of practice continues to give a good return, but 
the third fifteen minutes shows a decreasing return. 
Fifteen minutes is too short a period in the kind of 
work done in the experiment to give the best return, 
and forty-five minutes makes too long a period. The 
hour period shows up poorly partly because the fatigue 
of the latter part of the hour cuts down the score and 
obscures the effect of the work in the early part of the 
hour. Of course it is possible that the poor work dur- 
ing the latter part of the hour actually decreases the 
effect of the work of the first part of the hour. 

Experiments in Archery. — Murphy's experiments in 
javelin throvdng were chiefly concerned with the in- 
terval between practices. He did, however, compare 
ten throws once a day with five throws twice a day and 
found ten throws once a day better. Muiphy does not 
compare ten throws at one practice with more than ten 
throws at one practice, or fewer than ten throw^s. 

Experiments in Adding. — Kirby, Hahn, and Thorn- 
dike have compared various lengths of peiiods in learn- 
ing to add. Kirby and Hahn w^orked with children, 
Thorndike v/ith university students. Kirby and Hahn 
compared very short working periods. 

Kirby gave a fifteen-minute initial and a fifteen-min- 
ute final test and forty-five minutes intervening prac- 
tice. These forty-five minutes were divided up into 
practices of 221/2, 15, 6, and 2 minutes. The median 
gain per cent, for these groups in order were 45, 43, 
42, and 56. As between the three longer groups there 
is very little difference, with the advantage in favor 
of the longer period. The two-minute period gives a 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING 43 

better return than either of the longer periods. The 
practice with the 22V2-J^inute group covered a period of 
only two days, while practice with the two-minute 
group covered a period ten times as long, and in the 
latter case, the regular school w^ork and the work out- 
side of school could have a much greater effect on the 
score than in the longer periods. 

Hahn does not find greater value in the short periods. 
Nor does Thorndike. His experiments consisted in 
practical adding by means of a table. There vv^ere 80 
operations on a sheet. Eight sheets at a sitting proved 
more valuable than two sheets at a sitting. He reports 
that he finds ''little or no advantage in very short 
periods of learning." 

Distribution of Practice. — After we have practiced at 
one time as long as practice is profitable, how soon can 
we practice again v/ith profit? In general, the experi- 
ments have shown that the best prcatice interval is one 
day, but twice-a-day practice and alternate-day prac- 
tice is nearly as profitable as daily practice. However, 
much depends upon the nature of the learning and the 
stage of habituation. We shall very briefly give the 
results of the most important experiments. 

Murphy compared the results of throwing ten javelins 
at a time daily with throwing five at a time twice 
daily, and found the once daily method best. As for 
the other forms of distributing the practices he reports 
that "learning periods can be distributed by giving 
alternate days practice, and even weekly practice with- 
out any loss in learning." 

In a typewriting experiment covering a period of 
ninety half-hour practices, the author compared two 
half-hours a day with ten-half-hours a day. In the 



fl:- 



44 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

former case, the half-hours were one in the forenoon 
and the other in the afternoon. In the latter case, the 
ten practices had half-hour intervals of rest between. 
The results of the experiment may be brieflly stated as 
follows : Concentrated effort is efficient for about five 
practices, but the speed improved very little on the 
first day after the fifth practice. The effect of the 
early practices is evidently much greater if soon re- 
peated. From the fifth practice to the fortieth, the 
group practicing tv/ice a day steadily gained on the 
other group. From the fortieth to the sixtieth prac- 
tice, the difference between the groups dimin- 
ished. To summarise: in such work as type- 
writing, distributed practice is best, but con- 
centrated practice brings in good returns, and 
if one is in a hurry to acquire skill, the diminished 
returns from concentrated practice need not be con- 
sidered prohibitive. In the above comparisons we have 
had in mind the same number of hours of practice. 
The relative value of one-hour-a-day practice as com- 
pared to five hours a day, is shown graphically in figure 
11. If we consider merely the number of days spent in 
practice and disregard the total number of hours actu- 
ally spent in practice, we can say that ten half-hours 
a day is better than two half -hours a day. The group 
practicing ten times a day has a much faster speed 
at the end of nine days than does the group practicing 
only twice a day. But if we consider the amount of 
time actually spent in practice, we get more return for 
each hour of practice if the practices are spread out 
over 45 days. The middle line in the figure represents 
the results of ten half -hour practices a day for nine 
days. The lower curve shows the results of nine days 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING 



45 



of practice, two practices a day. The upper curve 
shows the results of the same amount of practice as 
shown by the middle curve, but spread out over 45 
days instead of nine days. Five hours a day with in- 
tervals between the practice periods are more effective 
in fixing the typewriting habits than one hour a day. 
Just where decreasing returns begin, in repeating prac- 
tices on the same day, can not be determined from the 
experiments. In the early part of the experiment it 
is at the end of the fifth practice. Later in the experi- 
ment it is probably earlier, perhaps at the end of two 
or three practices. 




Figure 1.1. B shows the effects of practicing ten half-hours a day 
for nine days. C shows the effects of practicing two half-hours a 
day for nine days. A shows the effects of the same amount of 
practice as B, but at the rate of two half-hours a day for 45 days. 
In A and B the graphs are constructed from the averages of suc- 
cessive practices in groups of 10. In B the 10 practices were done 
in one day ; in A, they vrei:<? done in five days. 



46 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

In the author's substitution experiments, three differ- 
ent forms of distribution were compared, twice-a-day 
daily, and alternate days. If our basis of comparisor 
is the total number of hours of practice, the most eco- 
nomical procedure is found to be daily practice. A sec- 
ond practice on the afternoon of the same day give? 
nearly as much return as the morning practice, and ir 
the later stages of habituation, alternate days practice 
is probably as effective as daily. As between daily anc 
twice-a-day practice, the latter is much more effective 
if we consider the time elapsing since practice began 
But, of course, there are twice as many actual hours oi 
practice. 

In the case of concentrated practice, the question maj 
well be raised whether the later practices on the same 
day, even though no higher score is made, are not 
effective in fixing the habit. This point the authoi 
tested in the following way. A group of four subjects 
began in the morning to work all day at a substitutior 
experiment. At the end of the fourth practice period 
one of the subjects stopped, the others continuing all 
day. Two and three days later the effects of the prac- 
tice were determined. The subject who had worked 
only four periods showed up as w^ell in the retention 
tests as those who had worked all day. It is clear that 
beyond a certain point further practice on the same 
day is profitless, not only in raising the score but in 
fixing the habit. 

In Fig. 12 are shown the results of an all-day substi- 
tution experiment performed by the author. The ex^ 
periment was as follows: Using a symbol alphabet, 1 
practiced transcribing for fourteen half-hour periods 
with half-hour rests between, continuously throughout 






ECONOMICAL LEARNING 47 

^le day from eight in the morning till ten at night. The 
suits are compared with fourteen daily practices of 
m subject of the same learning capacity as the author. 
a the concentrated practice in this experiment there 
J no improvement after the third practice. In the dis- 
[ributed practice, improvement continues throughout. 




Figure 12. The lower graph shows the results of 14 half-hour prac- 
tices on the same day in a letter-symbol substitution experiment. 
The upper graph shows the results of the same number of practices, 
one a day for fourteen days. 

We need not report in detail the v/ork of other experi- 
menters bearing on the distribution of practices. In 
general the experiments of Murphy, Perkins, Chapman, 
Strong and others confirm the results as stated above. 
Three facts seem to be fairly certain: (1) In estab- 
lishing a complicated set of habits as in typewriting, 
frequently repeated practices at the start are profitable, 
perhaps as many as three or four half-hour periods a 
day separated by rests of a half -hour. (2) after habitu- 



48 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

ation has proceeded further, frequent practices seem 
not to advance habit-fixation faster, or at least not 
much faster, than less frequent practices. (3) In 
processes involving complex motor co-ordination as in 
javelin-throwing and ball-tossing long intervals seem 
more profitable. Perhaps different laws are involved 
in situations in which the goal desired is perfecting a 
series of complicated muscular movements through the 
trial and error method. In such work as card sorting, 
the problem is not to get the hand to make a certain 
kind of movem.ent. The hand can make all the move- 
ments easily enough. The problem is to remember 
what movement the hand is to make for each number 
of card. In such an experiment as ball-tossing, the 
problem is to secure the proper co-ordinated movement. 
We know ivhat we are to do, we are not able always 
to do it. 

As far as it is possible to judge from the experiments, 
brief practices with relatively long intervals are more 
profitable in cases involving the securing and master- 
ing of unperfected motor movements. More concen- 
trated practice seems profitable in cases where the 
actual movement can easily be made, and where the 
problem is the connecting this movement with a par- 
ticular stimulus. 

What practical advice should be given to teachers 
who must determine and direct the practice of children ? 
The practice periods of children should be short, and 
in most cases, once or twice a day. After habituation 
has proceeded to a considerable degree of fixation, the 
practices may be less frequent. By "short," we mean 
five, ten, fifteen minutes, depending upon the nature 
of the learning and how fatiguing it is. In general, 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING 49 

practice gives reasonable returns until fatigue has set 
in. Even though shorter periods and longer intei'vals 
would, in some cases, give better returns, it is not 
usually expedient to use them, because in most cases 
we want efficiency at the earliest possible moment, and 
can afford to accept a decreasing return for longer prac- 
tices and more frequent intervals. Even if a second 
practice on the same day with the typewriter does not 
give me quite so much return as if I should wait till 
the next day for the next practice, I should take the 
second period on the same day if I have the time and 
am in a hurry to acquire speed on the machine. On 
the other hand, if I am in no hurry for the speed, and 
I can use my time profitably othenvise, it would be 
wise to delay practice till the following day. But if I 
am in a hurry to acquire the speed, and have nothing 
else to do with my time, I should practice for about 
five half-hours a day, at least for a while. In deter- 
mining the length and number of practice periods, a 
teacher should consider all the factors. In school, usu- 
ally there is no special hurry, and there are many 
things demanding attention, therefore economy of time 
should have full consideration. This means that one 
or two vigorous practices a day, daily, is best. The 
child may, in most cases, continue practice at one time 
as long as he shows a high degree of efficiency, or in 
other words, till fatigue effects begin to show them- 
selves. It is certain that in such processes as the ele- 
mentary operations of arithmetic, practice periods of a 
very few minutes daily give very high returns. With 
young children no kind of practice period should be 
long. For children decreasing returns set in very 
early. 



50 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

EXPERIMENTS 

The comparison of different lengths of intervals is a 
work too difficult and extended for a class experiment, 
but a comparison of different lengths of practice periods 
may well be undertaken as a demonstration experiment. 
Two experiments will be described : 

1. Card-sorting'. Material, card-sorting box and cards 
for one row of boxes for the check experiment and 
cards for a different row of boxes for the second experi- 
ment. 

Method : Have all the members of the class sort cards 
into one row of boxes for ten times at one sitting. On 
the basis of the records, divide the class into four groups 
having equal learning ability, then take a different row 
of boxes for the second experiment. Have one group 
sort twice a day for ten days, another group sort five 
times a day for four days, another group sort ten 
times a day for two days, and the other group sort 
twenty times at one sitting. With the same scale and 
on the same base, plot learning cui'ves for each of the 
four groups. 

2. Substitution experiment. Material, the same as in 
experiment 1, Chapter H, and an additional key. Method: 
On the basis of experiment 1 in Chapter H, divide the 
class into four groups of approximately equal learning 
ability. Use the same digit-symbol test sheets, but 
prepare a different key by taking different letters of 
the alphabet. This key can be supplied to the students, 
or they can copy it from the blackboard. Work in five- 
minute periods. One group can work ten minutes a 
day for six days; another, twenty minutes a day for 
three days ; another, thirty minutes a day for two days ; 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING 51 

and the other group, sixty minutes at one sitting. In 
all cases, keep the individual records for each five-min- 
ute period. Plot the learning curves for the different 
groups as in experiment 1 above. 

3. One or the other of the above experiments is per- 
haps all that can be undertaken in an ordinary lecture 
course, but if time and opportunity permit, an experi- 
ment showing the poor results of extended practice on 
the same day would be very instructive and impressive 
to the students. Any sort of learning experiment would 
suffice. An experiment with the same material as in 
1 or 2 above is recommended. To illustrate the pro- 
cedure, we shall take the card-sorting experiment. Use 
three rows of boxes that have not been used in an 
experiment before. Make five sortings at a sitting, 
with half-hour rests between sittings. The class can 
be divided into four groups of equal ability as deter- 
mined by previous experiment. One group can sort all 
day; another group, three-fourths of a day; another, 
one-half of a day; and the other group, one-fourth of 
a day. The division of work might very well be two 
sittings, four sittings, six sittings, and eight sittings. 
The results of the experiment should be tested a day or 
two later, by having all the subjects sort the cards 
tv/ice, and taking the average of the two sortings as 
an indication of the efficiencj^ attained. 

REFERENCES. 

Bradford, C. J., An experiment in typewriting, Ped. Sem., 
xxii, 1915, 445. 

Cummins, R. A., Improvement and the distribution of prac- 
tice, T. C. Cont. to Ed., No. 97, 1919. 

Leuba, J. H., and Hyde, W., An experiment in learning to make 
hand movemc7its, P. R. xii, 1905, 351. 

Murphy, H. H., Distribution of practice periods in learning. 
J. E. P. vii, 1916, 150. 



52 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



Perkins, N. L., The value of distributed repetitions in rote 
learning, B. J. P., vii, 1914, 253. 

Pyle, W. H., Economical learning, J. E. P., iv., 1913, 148; Con- 
centrated vs. distributed practice, J. E. P., v., 1914, 247. 

Starch, D., Periods of work in learning, J, E. P., iii, 1912, 209. 

Strong, E. K., Two factors which influence economical learn- 
ing, J. of Phil., etc., No. 5, 1914. 

Thorndike, E. L., Notes on practice, improvability and the 
curve of ivork, A. J. P., xxvii, 1916, 550. 

Washburn, M. F., and others. The effect of the interval beticeen 
repetitions in the speed of learning a series of movements, 
A. J. P., xxiv, 1913, 580. 



Chapter IV. 

Economical Learning. 

general factors. 

Attention and Learning*. — In the preceding chapter 
we have discussed repetitions as if their vaUie were a 
constant thing. In all the experiments on which our 
discussions and conclusions have been based, we have 
assumed that the work was done under favorable psy- 
chological and physiological conditions. But the fact 
is that repetitions are not of equal value, and it is 
now our problem to enquire into the general factors 
that affect their value. The first and most important 
of these factors is attention. It will be necessary for 
us to explain the precise sense in which the term atten- 
tion is here used. Defined in tern>s of consciousness, 
attention means sensory cleamesSji To say that we 
are attending to a process is to saj/ that the process is 
clear in consciousness. It stands out from the other 
simultaneous processes; it is focal. Physiologically, 
attentive processes are those that usurp or monopolise 
the cerebral activity at the time. As a result of evolu- 
tion, our central nervous systems are so constituted 
that there is always a synthesis or unification of the 
various stimulations of the moment for the initiation of 
action. This synthesis or unification, physiologically, 
is attention. It is as if we had not one brain but many ; 
but to control action, one of these many brains must 

[53] 



54 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

momentarily usurp the function of initiating movement. 
We have many sense organs. Their constant stimula- 
tions are in eternal conflict for the control of action. 
Now, in learning, the processes which we wish to couple 
together must be among those processes that for the 
time are monopolising the cortical energy or, in other 
words, the processes involved in learning must be in 
the focus of attention. 

It is not so much a matter of definite experiment as 
a matter of general observation in learning experiments 
and in life in general that enables us to say that if we 
wish to learn, we must attend. The processes which 
we wish to unite through learning must be processes 
that for the time are monopolising the available cere- 
bral energy. The primary, fundamental law of asso- 
ciation is that ideas to be bound together must be 
experienced together in a state of attention. In the 
sphere of habit-formation, the law seems to have at 
least wide application, if it is not indeed universal in 
its applicability. 

In all the learning experiments performed in the 
author's laboratory it has been observed that those 
learners who carried on the practice with the highest 
degree of concentration, other factors being equal, 
made the fastest progress. Now, by a high degree of 
attention we mean no more than that the processes in- 
volved in the learning monopolised the person's activity 
for the time. The fast learner is tense, the whole body 
seems devoted to the learning processes, no other pro- 
cess can participate to any considerable degree in the 
organism's activities while these particular learning 
processes are in progress. In attentive learning the 
doors seem to be shut against all other processes. 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — GENERAL FACTORS 55 

In inattentive learning, which is also ineffectual 
learning, the leaniing processes have successful com- 
petitors; they do not usurp the organism's central 
neural activities. In such case, the practice or repeti- 
tions are largely ineffectual in strengthening the neural 
bonds between stimuli and responses. 

In the card-sorting experiments, the fast learners 
gave themselves over completely to the work. For the 
time being the world was to them a card-sorting world ; 
nothing else existed; nothing else was for the time of 
any consequence. The card-sorting completely occu- 
pied the central neural activities. Their bodies were 
rigid and tense, they leaned forward to their tasks, 
they whispered to themselves the numbers of the cards. 

With the slow or poor learners, all was different. 
Their bodies were relaxed, and many other activities 
shared the central field of neural activity with the card- 
sorting performance. They often gazed about the 
. room, listened to the various noises, and watched their 
associates in the laboratory. 

When the fast learner found a box, he deposited the 
card and then djvelt upon the location of the box. He 
allowed the idea of the location of the box to come into 
full and focal consciousness, and have a noticeable tem- 
poral existence. He might use some device to aid. He 
might, for example, say ''Now I must remember num- 
ber 14, it is there near the corner just under 19". The 
idea of location would thereby have more than a fleet- 
ing existence, and would also likely acquire some 
helpful associations. 

When the poor learner finds a box the card is dropped 
into it and before there is time for the idea of location 
to develop and helpful associative ideas to form, the 



56 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

subject passes on to the next card, and the whole ex- 
IDerience with the card just deposited becomes almost 
as if it had not been. And when he, a little later, comes 
to a card of the same number, he must hunt for the box 
again. 

In the early stages of learning to sort cards, sensa- 
tional and ideational disturbances are fatal. The sen- 
sational, perceptual disturbers are such as others sort- 
ing cards in the same room, the noise of their perform- 
ance, their whispering to themselves, the noise of an 
opening door. Any sensational disturbance tends to 
prevent the formation of the bonds. Any sensational 
competitor for focal consciousness, driving out the 
box-location idea, obliterates the bond between stimu- 
lus and response. 

Ideational disturbances are equally effective in 
obliterating or obstructing the bonds which we are 
trying to form and strengthen. With proper care and 
precaution we can guard against most of the sensa- i 
tional disturbances but we are powerless to prevent 
ideational ones. Any ideas foreign to the learning 
process will disturb. For example, if a subject is 
doing well, and the idea comes, "now I am doing fine,'* 
this idea interferes, he forgets the box-locations and 
the score is lowered. 

Sensational disturbers or distractions can lose their 
force. We can become adapted to them. As a rule, 
constant environmental factors become as if .they did 
not exist. It is therefore necessary in a comparative 
learning experiment to keep all external conditions con- 
stant. We must have the same persons sit in the same 
places, and all persons and things in the room must 
maintain the same relative positions in successive ex- 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING—GENERAL FACTORS 57 

periments. If a person is used to working with a 
group, then not to have the group present is a distrac- 
tion. On the other hand, if a subject is used to working 
alone, the group will disturb. Great importance often 
attaches to apparently insignificant factors. We can 
not ignore the details of time and place, the method of 
starting the experiment, the arrangement of the 
apparatus, the place in the room or about the table 
where the person works. Even the general attitude of 
the experimenter and his tone of voice are important 
factors and must be kept constant. 

In Geissler's important attention experiments it was 
found that the best adding records were made under 
conditions of distraction. This seems paradoxical, but 
is really in haiTnony with the principles laid down 
above. The subjects in Geissler's experiments had dis- 
traction series and no-distraction series. In a no- 
distraction series, the subject said, *'0h, this is easy, I 
can take my time". He would consequently relax and 
leisurely perform the adding, making only a moderately 
fast record. But if it was a distraction series, the sub- 
ject took a different attitude. He said, "Now, this is 
difficult ; this will take all there is of me." He became 
rigid, tense, used every known device to give the adding 
processes the right-of-way and keep the distracting 
stimuli out. As a rule, he was successful. The dis- 
tracters did not really distract; they were not able to 
become focal ; they beat in vain at the gates of central 
neural activity. 

Attitude and Learning. — The relation of attention to 
learning is fundamental. Several other factors that 
affect the rate of learning, probably produce this effect, 
in most cases at least, through their effect on attention. 



58 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

One such factor is attitude. The subject's attitude 
toward the work of a learning- experiment is one of the 
most important factors determining progress. If for 
any reason the subject disHkes the work, progress is 
slow; little effort is put forth; the subject works in a 
poor state of attention to the work. There is no ambi- 
tion to do well. The subject is content to make poor 
records, for in his opinion the work is of no consequence, 
and it therefore is no disgrace to do poorly in it. It 
often happens that poor records at the beginning are 
the cause of the dislike. The dislike in turn becomes 
the cause of more poor records. Poor work and bad 
attitude reinforce and perpetuate each other. 

A bad attitude retards learning, but just as surely a 
favorable attitude accelerates learning. The subject 
who likes the work seems able to give himself over 
more fully and completely to the work than one who 
dislikes it. Good records at the beginning of an experi- 
ment often are the cause of a favorable attitude. The 
person does well in the work and therefore likes the 
work. The favorable attitude caused by good records 
becomes itself the cause of more good records. It 
therefore turns out that the good become better and the 
poor become worse. In learning we have an example 
of the law that "To him that hath, shall be given and 
from him that hath not shall be taken even that which 
he hath". 

Peterson reports a class experiment which shows 
the effect of attitude. A list of words was put on the 
blackboard and then copied by the students of the class. 
An immediate reproduction was called for and also a 
^■elayed reproduction. The experiment was repeated 
in the same way except that the students were told 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — GENERAL FACTORS 59 

that a reproduction would be called for. In the ex- 
periments in which the students knew that a re- 
production would be called for, the immediate 
reproduction was 14.8% better for one section of 
students and 30% better for the other section. The 
delayed reproduction was 48.4% better for one section 
and 51% better for the other. The difference in atti- 
tude made a very great difference in the results. When 
the students knew that a reproduction would be called 
for, they paid more attention to the words, kept them 
in the focus of attention longer, said them over to 
themselves. When one knows what is to be expected 
of him, he directs and controls his attention and obser- 
vation accordingly. 

A somewhat similar result is shown by the experi- 
ments of Ordahl. Her experiments showed that if ob- 
jects appeared in the field of vision but were not at- 
tended to, they were no more easily learned later than 
if they had never been seen. It is evident that in idea- 
tional learning, objects must be in the focus of atten- 
tion. Attitude has much to do in determining whether 
a process shall be focal or not. We usually see what 
we look for. In learning experiments I have often read 
the same passage over and over again to different sub- 
jects. The subjects, one after another, would learn the 
passage, while I would not, although I had read it to 
many subjects in succession, each of whom had learned 
it. The reason I had not learned it was because of atti- 
tude. I had not tried to learn it. 

The importance of the attitude of school children is 
certainly very great. If they are to learn effectively, 
they should be favorably disposed toward the teacher, 
toward the school, toward the various school subjects 



60 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

and toward the specific task or lesson. If the child likes 
the school, the teacher, and the particular work, fast 
progress is assured if other factors are favorable. Dis- 
like of the school, the teacher or the task works against 
progress. When a favorable attitude on the part of 
the pupil is secured toward the various aspects of school 
life, successful learning is assured, as far as the pupil 
has ability to learn. On the other hand a pupil that 
has a dislike to the school, the teacher, or the particu- 
lar work, proceeds under a very great handicap. A 
year of school is wasted for many a child because of 
such dislike. One of the teacher's greatest problems 
and duties is to secure a favorable attitude on the part 
of those to be taught. 

Life Bents or Dispositions. — Attitudes may be tem- 
porary or permanent. In the latter case they may be 
called life bents or dispositions. We can become favor- 
ably disposed toward a certain study as history, a cer- 
tain principle as evolution or democracy, a certain 
method as that of analysis. These favorable disposi- 
tions foster their own growth and perpetuate them- 
selves, becoming permanent dispositions. They make 
learning easy in certain narrow directions, and difficult 
in others. 

Definite attitudes are often formed early in life. 
These attitudes then may affect all future learning. A 
child because of having a poor teacher, because of get- 
ting started in a wrong way, because of starting too 
early, or for some other reason, may have a dislike for 
arithmetic. Because of this dislike, he studies it as 
little as possible, putting his time on studies that are 
liked. He therefore makes little progress, and this 
rr? ^kes mastery ever more difficult and increases the 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — GENERAL FACTORS 61 

dislike. Progress in arithmetic continues to be slow 
because of the unfavorable attitude and because 
of the poor work done in it before. In a similar 
way a pupil may acquire an unfavorable attitude toward 
any of the school studies. These facts make clear the 
importance of beginnings, the first day in school, the 
first experiment with the teacher, the first lesson in any 
subject. School work is hard at best and should not 
be made harder by means of unfavorable experiences. 

The learning of lessons or any other assigned tasks 
should never be used as forms of punishment. Chil- 
dren should never be kept after school as a form of 
punishment. The reason that such practices are wrong 
is because such procedures create dislike for things 
that should be liked. They create unfavorable dispo- 
sitions and attitudes that make learning difficult. 
Failure to take account of these simple principles is 
the cause of many a failure in the school-room, and the 
cause of many a wasted life. 

Incentives to Practice. — Attention is the fundamental 
condition necessary to learning, and attitude may be 
considered a permanent state of attention, or readiness 
to attend to a certain type of process. The practical 
problem is how to secure attention and permanent dis- 
positions. There are various factors or elements which 
we may discuss under the head of incentives. 

(1) Knowledge of the End Sought. — If the learner 
can be made to see the end sought by practice, learning 
is usually facilitated. This facilitation comes through a 
better attention and more favorable disposition. Few 
people are willing to work blindly. Exactly what is to 
be gained by a habit and exactly what the habit is, 
should be made clear to the learner. In addition, for 



62 . THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

example, the immediate end sought is to be able to pro- 
nounce the sum immediately upon seeing the numbers. 
The skill when attained enables us to add the scores in 
a game, our money, our account, etc. 

(2) Knowledge of the Score. — Knowledge of one's 
record is a material factor in progress. If a learner 
keeps a close and accurate record of his progress, it 
incites him to practice at the highest efficiency. With- 
out a knowledge of results, one usually practices on a 
level much below the maximum. Teachers should find 
accurate means of measuring the progress of the pupils. 
The improvement from day to day and from month 
to month should be shown to the children. They should 
be taught to make and interpret learning curves, and 
should plot their own curves. 

Arps furnishes some experimental evidence of the 
effects of a knowledge of the results of practice. Using 
the Bergstrom ergograph, he took series of records in 
which the subjects were shown their records. He took 
other records and gave the subjects no knowledge of 
their records. In the case of work with knowledge, 
the results were 18 per cent, better than in work with- 
out knowledge. 

Wright, also working with the ergograph, used as 
an incentive the ambition to reach a certain standard 
of work. The students were shown their records. More 
work was accomplished with the incentive than without 
it. If an impossible limit were set, the total amount 
of work was decreased. Fatigue was found to be less 
when the subject worked with the incentive. 

In ordinary school work, the pupils work on blindly, 
not knowing — or caring — what they are aiming at, nor 
what it will be when attained ; they do not know what 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — GENERAL FACTORS 63 

progress they are making; they do not know what 
progress is possible nor what attainment is finally pos- 
sible. When they go on the playground to play, the 
situation is entirely changed. There is something defi- 
nite to be attained. They engage in running or jump- 
ing matches, let us say. They know how fast they 
can run and how far they can jump. As a rule they 
know it very accurately. They know who among them 
is best and how much he is best. They know the estab- 
lished records in the various sports. They know how 
much they themselves have improved since the year 
before. The performances are definite, the methods are 
definite, the results are definite and definitely known. 
Inside the school-room, everything is vague and indefi- 
nite. Everything is imposed from without. There is 
little inward impulsion or desire as there is on the 
playground. Definite knowledge of progress made by 
the pupils is one means of improving the work inside 
the school-room. 

(3) Knowledge of Errors, — Not only should children 
and all learners know the results attained, they should 
also have definite knowledge concerning their mistakes. 
In that type of learning in which errors are possible, 
unless one knows his errors he may practice on indefi- 
nitely with little or no improvement. Experiments have 
shown that in such tasks as mirror writing and pris- 
matic writing, knowledge of the erroneous movements 
are necessary to progress. In spoken and written lan- 
guage, as Thorndike has pointed out, one may go on 
practicing indefinitely without improvement. 

(4) Knowledge of When the Material Learned Is to 
Be Reproduced.— li one knows when learning, that the 
matter learned is to be reproduced, immediately or 



64 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

later, he proceeds differently in his learning. He takes 
a different attitude, and the learning is more efficient. 

These four points may be summarised as follows : 
Learning can be improved by giving the learner a defi- 
nite idea of the nature of the habit or the end sought 
by learning and the advantage that is to come to him 
from possessing the knowledge or habit, by a definite 
knowledge of the progress made and of the mistakes, 
and by a knowledge of the use — ^immediate or delayed — 
that is to be made of the results of learning. 

Definiteness of the Bond. — In some kinds of learning 
it is difficult to use the principles set forth above be- 
cause of the indefiniteness of the nature of the bond to 
be formed. Progress is always easier when the nature 
of this bond can be definitely and clearly known. In 
mathematics, for example, the nature of the bond is 
always clear. In all the fundamental operations of 
arithmetic, the bonds can be definitely known : 9-f 8=17 ; 
6X7=»42; V81—9; (13)2=169. All this is definite and 
practice can be to the point. The end sought is known, 
it is definite; mistakes can be accurately pointed out, 
there is never any doubt about the matter; progress 
can be accurately and definitely measured. But it is 
not so in writing, drawing, or English composition. In 
writing, it is true, a copy can be set, and the child can 
know what sort of result is expected, but just what he 
is to do to achieve that result, he does not know and 
no one can tell him. All he can do is to keep on trying. 
If his product is not like the copy, it is often difficult 
to say what the difference is. Sometimes, we can get 
at it approximately. We can say a letter is too high, or 
too low, or too nan'ow, or too wide. In drawing we 
have precisely the same difficulties, so also in learn- 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — GENERAL FACTORS 65 

ing to write good English. When a pupil 
writes an English composition, it is difficult 
for the teacher to point out exactly what its 
defects are. But progress by the pupil is pos- 
sible only to the extent that the defects can be pointed 
out. To illustrate: A particular sentence may not be 
clear, it may be ambiguous. Such defects can be pointed 
out, and just why the sentence is not clear must be 
shown, just wherein it is ambiguous must be pointed 
out. 

In all subjects in which the nature of the bonds to 
be formed is more or less indefinite, teaching is likely 
to be loose and vague, and the results uncertain. When 
we can not know exactly what we are seeking, it is im- 
possible to measure our approach to the thing sought. 
When an English theme is handed in we cannot indi- 
cate either its excellencies or its deficiencies as we can 
when the solution to a problem in mathematics is 
handed in. In English, therefore, and in all subjects 
in which the same situation exists, teaching can never 
have the definiteness that it does in science and mathe- 
matics. English teaching is vague still in another sense. 
Different teachers have different ideas as to what is to 
be attained and put different estimates on the value of 
a literary product. There can be little difference of 
opinion as to whether a problem is solved correctly. 
There can be much difference of opinion as to the merit 
of a composition. 

Franklin gave us two good examples of definiteness 
in practice. One was in the field of ethics and the other 
in the field of English. His clear insight and farsighted- 
ness enabled him to see that one must go about im- 
provement in any field in a definite, systematic and 



66 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

methodic way. He knew that character was dependent 
upon habits. He knew that he could not merely resolve 
to be good and immediately make improvement in all 
aspects of his character. So he made a list of the 
desirable virtues and practiced on one for a time, then 
added another, then another, and so on till he had in- 
cluded all the virtues. Then he went all over the whole 
scheme again. To improve his English, he memorised 
certain material in the Spectator. After he had for- 
gotten the words, he wrote out the thought in his own 
words. He then compared his expression of the thought 
with the expression in the Spectator. Here was some- 
thing definite. On the one hand, he had his own ex- 
pression of a thought ; on the other, he had the expres- 
sion of the same thought by one of the best writers of 
the time. He could compare them. He could see 
wherein his writing was poor. 

By being more definite and specific there is possi- 
bility of improvement in our teaching, whatever we may 
be teaching. We should make careful analysis of the 
material which we are teaching, and come to a clear 
understanding of it ourselves and then make it clear 
to those taught. We must have a definite goal, a defi- 
nite route to travel to reach it, and a definite means of 
knowing when we have arrived. Learning must cease 
to be a travelling by an unknown route to an unknown 
place. 

Feeling and Learning. — The relation of feeling to 
learning may be discussed from two points of view. 
Feeling is important in securing practice, and in mak- 
ing practice effective through attention. Feeling and 
attention are different aspects of the same thing. When 
processes are pleasant, we wish to experience them. To 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — GENERAL FACTORS 67 

say that we like a thing is about the same as saying 
that we shall attend to it. Attention is necessaiy to 
effective learning. Feeling is necessary to attention. 
Most of the importance of attitude previously dis- 
cussed, depends upon favorable disposition, and favor- 
able disposition depends upon pleasurable experience. 
If a child begins to form a habit and for any reason 
the processes are accompanied or followed by pain, then 
the child does not want to practice again. Feeling is 
therefore an important element in learning because 
without accompanying or resulting pleasure we do not 
like to practice, and when we do practice, do not throw 
our whole selves into it. Pleasure accompanies experi- 
ences of which we wish more, experiences that we seek. 
Pain is connected with experiences which we wish to 
avoid. Briefly, pleasure leads to practice and makes ^ 
practice more profitable. It leads to practice because/ 
we like to do things which give us joy. It makes prac- 
tice more profitable because it insures a higher degree 
of attention. From the point of view of securing 
effective practice we must take great pains to make 
conditions such that practice will be pleasurable. 

Thomdike claims that pleasure has still another re- 
lation to learning, namely, that it stamps in the process. ^ 
If the passage of a stimulus over to its response is ac- 
companied or followed by pleasu^^e, this pleasure has an 
effect upon the nervous path which results in strength- 
ening the bond, — so the argument runs. The recent 
work of Kline gives some warrant for the contention. 
Kline found that the pleasure accompanying movements 
helped to fix the bonds. 

Snoddy, however, in a recent ^'Experimental analysis 
of a case of trial and error learning in the human sub- 



68 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

ject," claims that the pleasure resulting from a move- 
ment has nothing to do with stamping it in, but he 
gives no conclusive evidence. He points out that in his 
experiment — the mirror tracing of a star — improve- 
ment followed a recess or rest period. *Trom such evi- 
dence," he says, "it is readily seen that no selecting 
agent, such as 'satisf yingness of a response' is operative 
to 'select out' the successful responses made in a series 
of random movements — the basis of Thorndike's view, 
since the successful responses did not occur in the 
tracings before recess [rest] period." But Thorndike 
never claimed that pleasure could stamp the bond in 
before its formation. After the rest periods, successful 
movements or tracings were made. Thorndike's view 
is that the pleasure resulting from the successful 
tracings is a causal element in fixing these movements 
for the future. And Snoddy gives no evidence to prove 
that satisfaction had nothing to do with stamping 
them in. 

The fact is that the experimental evidence available 
does not enable us to say whether the physiological 
correlate of pleasantness is a causal element in fixing 
a bond once secured. It certainly does not enable us 
to say that it is not, and the physiological facts at 
present known — facts concerning the nature of pleas- 
antless and unpleasantness — rather support the Thorn- 
dike view that pleasure is causally effective. 

Recent psychological and physiological investigations 
into the nature of feeling and emotion make it clear 
that pleasantness and unpleasantness have far-reaching 
and fundamental effects upon the body which must pro- 
foundly affect learning, in ways other than merely se- 
curing attention or stamping in the process. Pleasant- 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — GENERAL FACTORS 69 

ness has important positive relations to general well-.- 
being, and specifically to digestion and nutrition, also 
to cardiac activity and to neural activity. Unpleasant- 
ness produces in general the opposite effects. Pleas- 
antness heightens and facilitates all positive, health- 
ful, life-giving functions of the body. Unpleasantness 
is negative. It retards, inhibits, constricts. Pleasant- 
ness makes for more of life ; unpleasantness makes for 
less of life. It is therefore clear that pleasantness is 
a necessary condition of learning, and that unpleasant- 
ness retards learning. 

It will be wise for teachers to bear these facts in 
mind, and use all available means to make the learning 
processes pleasant. The age-old practice of rewarding 
the child when it does what we think it ought, and of 
punishing it when it does what we think it ought not, 
has sound scientific justification. The Montessori prin- 
ciple of using great care to prevent unpleasantness from 
becoming attached to learning, is also sound. So im- 
portant is the matter of attitude and feeling in learning 
that we may say that attention, favorable attitude and 
pleasantness are the absolute essentials of economical 
learning. 

But while pleasantness facilitates learning, any in- 
tense emotion of whatever kind is unfavorable to learn- 
ing. This statement is based upon general observation 
of the effects of intensive emotions on a learning sub- 
ject and also upon the results of physiological studies. 
Cannon says : **Any high degree of excitement in the 
central nervous system, whether felt as anger, terror, 
pain, anxiety, joy, grief or deep disgust, is likely to 
break over the threshold of the sympathetic division 
and disturb the functions of all the org:ans which that 
division innervates." 



70 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Violent emotions prepare the body for intensive mus- 
cular activity. To quote Cannon again: "Muscular 
action is made more efficient because of emotional dis- 
turbances of the viscera. The cessation of processes 
in the alimentary canal ; the shifting of blood from the 
abdominal organs; the increased vigor of contraction 
of the heart ; the quick abolition of the effects of mus- 
cular fatigue ; the mobilizing of energy-giving sugar in 
the circulation — every one of these visceral changes is 
directly serviceable in making the organism more 
effective in the violent display of energy which fear or 
rage or pain may involve." The violent emotions pre- 
pare us for violent muscular activity but not for learn- 
ing. The conscious processes accompanying the various 
physiological changes listed by Cannon would always 
be focal in consciousness to the exclusion of learning 
processes. 

EXPERIMENTS AND EXERCISES. 

1. Object, to study the effects of distracting the at- 
tention of a learning subject. Material, digit-symbol 
test sheets, two different keys. Method: Divide the 
class into two equal groups. Let one group do a five- 
minute practice under distraction, then a five-minute 
practice without distraction. Let the other group do 
first a non-distraction practice and then a practice 
with distraction, five minutes each time. The keys 
should be used in the same order by the two groups. 
If the groups are small and are not known to have the 
same learning capacity, they should do a substitution 
experiment with a different key under the same condi- 
tions. Find the average performance of the two groups 
under distraction and without distraction. The in- 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — GENERAL FACTORS 71 

structor can determine the form of distraction to be 
used. Some form of auditory distraction will prob- 
ably be found most convenient ; for example, a continu- 
ously ringing electric bell, or a distraction suddenly 
introduced. 

2. Object, to study the effects of directing the atten- 
tion of a learning subject. Material, ten cards with a 
word printed in the middle of each, with a color at 
the top and a number at the bottom. The colors should 
all be different and the numbers different. Method: 
Say to the subject that you will show him in succession, 
ten cards with a word printed in the middle of each, 
and that he is to write down the words after the ten 
have been exposed. Expose the cards very quickly, 
giving just time for the words to be clearly seen. 
After the exposure, ask the subject to reproduce the 
colors and numbers instead of the words, and compare 
the results with the reproduction of the colors and 
numbers when the attention is directed to them. This 
experiment can be given only to subjects who are un- 
acquainted with its purpose. 

3. Further experiments on the effects of attitude can 
be devised by the instructor or students. For example : 
Select a short poem and read it aloud to a learning sub- 
ject. Determine the number of repetitions required 
for the poem to be learned. Then read the poem to 
other learners till each has learned it. If you have not 
tried to learn it, you probably can not reproduce it 
although several persons have learned it while you have 
been reading it. Repeat the experiment with a dif- 
ferent poem, and try to learn it while your subjects are 
learning it. The effects of attitude will be evident. 



72 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

4. The effects of knowledge of errors can be studied 
by means of an experiment in which some form of 
concealed hand movement is required. Compare the 
results when the subject is ignorant of his errors with 
the results of other subjects who are shown their 
errors. The movement can be such as placing a pencil 
at a certain angle with the perpendicular. The details 
should be planned by the instructor. 

5. The effects of attitude and consciousness on learn- 
ing can be further studied by means of experiments 
modeled after those of Ordahl and Peterson. See the 
references. 

REFERENCES. 

Arps, G. F., A preUminaru report on work with Ixnowledge vs. 
iDork without knowledge of results, P. R., xxiv, 1917, 449. 

Boswell, F. P., and Foster, W. S., On memorising with the 
intention permanently to retain. A. J. P., xvii, 1916, 420. 

Chapman, J. C, and Feder, R. B., The effect of external incen- 
tive on improvement tested in addition, J. E. P., viii, 1917, 469. 

Conrad, H. E., and Arps, G. F., An experimental study of eco- 
nomical learning, A. J. P., xxvii, 1916, 507. 

Dallenbach, K. M., The effect of practice upon visual appre- 
hension in school children, J. E. P., v, 1914, 321 and 387; The 
effect of practice upon visual apprehension in the feeble-minded, 
J. E. P., X, 1919, 61. 

Ordahl, L. E., Consciousness in relation to learning, A. J. P., 
xxii, 1911, 158. 

Peterson, J., The effect of attitude on immediate and delayed 
reproduction, J. E. P., vii, 1916, 523. 

Rich, G. J., Directed attention and learning, J, E. P., viii, 
1917, 239. 

Smith, F. 0., The effect of training in pitch discrimination, 
P. R. Mon., No. 69, 67. 

Snoddy, G. S., An experimental analysis of a case of trial and 
error learning in the human su1)ject, P. Mon. No. 124, 1920. 

Wells, F. L., Practice effects in free association, A. J. P., xxii, 
1911, 1. 

Whipple, G. M., and Curtis, J. N., Preliminary investigation 
of skimming in reading, J. E. P., viii, 1917, 333. 

Wright, W. R., Some effects of incentives on work and fatigue, 
P. R., xiii, 1906, 23. 



Chapter V. 

ECONOMIC LEARNING. 

SPECIAL FACTORS. 

In the preceding chapter we considered the funda- 
mental factors that influence learning. We shall now 
consider a number of specific factors that have a bear- 
ing on economical learning. The ultimate explanation 
of the specific factors is to be found, in most cases, in 
the more general and fundamental principles already 
discussed. 

School Room Drill. — Habits can be established only 
through repetition. Knowledge can be organised and 
fixed for permanent and practical use only through 
thinking it over, by bringing the ideas to conscious- 
ness again and again. The school undertakes to estab- 
lish a great number of essential habits in the pupils, 
and to help them acquire and organise a great body of 
knowledge. There are writing habits to be formed, 
spelling habits, reading habits, language habits, arith- 
metic habits and a multitude of social, moral and con- 
ventional habits. This work takes most of the time of 
the school. The public school in this country originated 
as a place where the education of the home was supple- 
mented by drill in the so called three R's. As the years 
have gone by, the school has enlarged its function and 
taken over nearly the whole work of the education of 
the child. It is not our purpose here to go into the 
general question of the socialisation of the school, and 
its other modern developments. We shall consider only 
one aspect of this development. 

[73] 



74 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Certain modern educational reformers have under- 
taken to dispense with formal drill altogether. Their 
notion is that the child will incidentally get enough 
repetition to fix the fundamental habits. In such a 
scheme, spelling, writing, arithmetic and even reading 
are not taught as such specifically. The child writes 
letters and essays and in writing them gets practice in 
writing and spelling. The child is never drilled in the 
fundamentals of arithmetic, but he solves concrete 
problems and in doing so gets practice in the use of 
the fundamentals. 

The problem of formal versus incidental drill is really 
an experimental one. It can not be settled by argu- 
ment but only by an appeal to the facts. One of the 
primary principles of learning is, there must be repeti- 
tion. For learning to be economical, the repetitions 
must be under the general conditions of economical 
learning already discussed. Any procedure that se- 
cures practice under these principles is psychologically 
sound. We have therefore to compare the results of 
repetition that is merely incidental with the results of 
repetition that is specific or formal. There are several 
studies that touch upon the problem. 

Drill in Arithmetic. — In 1911 J. C. Brown reported 
an experiment in which he had undertaken to deter- 
mine the effect of drill in arithmetic. He worked with 
children whose average age was thirteen and a half 
years. He divided them into two groups of equal 
average ability in arithmetical operations. One group 
of twenty-five pupils was given five minutes of daily 
drill in the fundamental operations of arithmetic for 
thiiiy days. The other group of twenty-six pupils may 
be called the control group. It did the same work in 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — SPECIAL FACTORS 75 

arithmetic as the drill group except that it had no 
formal drill in fundamentals. The only practice it had 
in the fundamental operations of arithmetic was what 
it got in solving the regular problems. At the end of 
thirty days the groups were tested and the drill group 
was found to be 21.2 per cent, better in the number of 
problems solved, while the non-drill or control group 
was only 9.8 per cent, better. After a twelve weeks 
vacation, the groups were again tested and it was found 
that the drill group maintained its superiority. 

Brown later repeated his experiment using 222 pupils 
whose average age was 12.2 years. The drill was in 
arithmetical fundamentals as before and continued five 
minutes a day for twenty days. The drill group im- 
proved 16.9 per cent, while the non-drill group improved 
only 6.4 per cent. This second more extensive study 
therefore corroborated the results of his first study. 

Thorndike in 1910 and Donovan and Thomdike in 
1913 reported some experiments which show the value 
of school room drill in arithmetic. In one experiment, 
twenty-nine fourth grade children were drilled two 
minutes twice a day for fifteen days — sixty minutes 
practice in all. They improved from two and three- 
foui-ths examples per minute to four and a half a 
minute, showing the great effects of practice. 

Phillips reports (1913) an experiment with sixth, 
seventh, and eighth grade children. He divided them 
into a drill and a control group. The drill group had 
ten minutes a day practice for two months in arithmeti- 
cal fundamentals and in reasoning. The drill group 
gained 15% more in fundamentals and 50% more in 
reasoning than did the control group. 



76 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Winch, while studying the problem of the transfer 
of training, obtained evidence of the great effect of 
drill in arithmetical fundamentals. He made several 
extensive studies, in every case dividing the pupils 
studied into a drill group and a control group. I give 
the results of two experiments which may be taken as 
typical. 

(1) Thirty-three pupils, ten years old, were drilled 
in arithmetical fundamentals thirty minutes a day for 
ten days. As a result of the drill they showed an 
improvement of 21% in numerical accuracy. The 
basis of the comparison was the improvement of the 
last two practices over the first two. 

(2) Thirty-two boys, ten years and three months 
old, were given ten daily practices of thirty minutes 
each, and as a result showed an improvement of 45.5% 
in numerical accuracy. 

In these experiments, the control group did no 
mathematical work whatever. While the drill group 
was practicing on arithmetical fundamentals, the con- 
trol group studied English in one case and drawing in 
the other. The drill group did no mathematical work 
except the drill of the experiment. Winch was inter- 
ested only in ascertaining whether the drill made the 
pupils better in arithmetical reasoning. He was not, 
therefore, able to compare formal drill with incidental 
drill, since the control group did not have any drill of 
any kind during the experiment. The experiments do 
show, however, the very remarkable effects of a few 
hours of drill. 

The experiments leave no doubt of the great effect 
of even very short drills daily in the fundamentals of 
arithmetic. It seems clear that besides the regular 



ECONOMICAL LEAKNING — SPECIAL FACTORS 77 

work in arithmetic, that of learning the principles and 
solving problems, pupils should be given short, vigorous 
drills on fundamentals and perhaps also in solving 
easy problems mentally. The returns from such drills 
are enormous. Not only do drills in fundamentals give 
ease, facility and confidence in their use but make the 
solving of concrete problems easier because, since the 
pupils have mastered the fundamentals through drills, 
their energies are all available for the solution of the 
problems. The earlier experiments of Winch gave 
some experimental evidence for the above statement, 
but his later experiments did not. However in his 
experiments, the pupils did not actually solve the 
problems, they only indicated the solution. If they 
had actually perfoiTned the operations, the effects of 
their previous drill in fundamentals would doubtless 
have been evident. 

Drill in Other Subjects. — Wallin's studies in the 
Cleveland schools showed the value of spelling drills. 
He says, *Tt is by no means evident that modern peda- 
gogy demands the substitution of incidental spelling 
instruction for the spelling drill. It is stOl less evident 
that the schools have outgrown the drill in the other 
formal branches of the curriculum." 

Peters made a study of the influence of speed drills 
upon the rate and effectiveness of silent reading. He 
gave speed drills for a period of seven months to grades 
three, four, five and six. Grade three is omitted from 
his results. Two hundred and seven pupils took part 
in the experiment. In each grade, there w^ere two drill 
groups and one control group. The drill groups took 
five to ten minutes of the regular reading period for 
drill in rapid silent reading. The drill groUP at the 



78 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

beginning of the experiment read 83.8% as fast as the 
non-drill group; at the end of the experiment the drill 
group read 107.5% as fast as the non-drill group. The 
pupils that were trained in rapid reading therefore 
improved 18.7% more than did the control group, and 
this improvement was not at the expense of quality, 
which, according to Peters, was not materially affected. 
The experimenter says his result "strongly suggests 
the advisability of giving speed drills as a part of the 
teaching of reading", and says further: "It is also 
probable that it is worth while to teach children to 
skim." 

Whipple and Curtis made a specific investigation of 
skimming in reading. They seemed not to be concerned 
with improvement in skimming through practice, but 
rather in a comparison of skimming with other methods 
of reading. It is impossible to determine from the 
published report of their study how much their sub- 
jects improved by practice. The experimenters con- 
clude, however, that "It seems probable that practice 
in skimming might profitably be given in the public 
school." 

Thomdike reports three experiments showing the 
great improvement of adults resulting from a relatively 
short period of practice. I give the results of one of 
these experiments. Ten hospital nurses, 21 to 35 
years old, were given 2 hours and 25 minutes of 
practice, five minutes daily except Sunday, in adding 
one place numbers. The results are shown in terms 
of the number of one-place numbers added in five 
minutes. The first number of each pair represents the 
initial ability and the second number represents the 
ability after practice. 180-230, 200-430, ^^5-868, 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — SPECIAL FACTORS 79 

225-460, 290-540, 150-280, 220-380, 235-570, 250-440, 
260-540. This makes an average improvement of 
88.7%. 

Some Miscellaneous Factors Influencing Drill. — 

Conard and Arps compared two methods of drill in 
arithmetic. They divided 76 high school pupils into 
two equal groups by the Courtis tests. One group was 
drilled for eight periods on arithmetical fundamentals, 
by the traditional method ; the other group was drilled 
for the same time, but their method was to name only 
the results. For example, instead of saying "six plus 
four are ten", they simply looked at six and four and 
said "ten". The latter group showed a great saving 
of time. In every school subject, the best and most 
economical procedures or methods for doing the various 
processes should be experimentally determined, then 
these processes and procedures should be followed. 

Kirkpatrick compared two methods of learning to 
multiply. He had two groups learn to multiply by 
using a table. One group memorised the table, the 
other group used the table from the beginning. The 
latter method proved the most advantageous. Kirk- 
patrick draws the following conclusion from his study : 
"The results indicate that in many lines of teaching 
there has been a tremendous waste of time, energy, 
and interest in first memorising, then later practicing 
the use of what has been learned." It is not economical 
to acquire skills too far removed from their practical 
use in life. I have performed an experiment in card- 
soi-ting which gives results similar to those obtained 
by Kirkpatrick in multiplication. The experiment was 
as follows: Two subjects worked an hour a day for 
two days sorting cards into five boxes. On the first 



80 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

day, one subject sorted cards for the whole hour, the 
other subject, instead of sorting, studied the boxes 
trying to learn their locations without sorting cards 
into them. On the second day, both sorted the cards 
into the boxes. By repeating the experiment several 
times, having first one subject study instead of sort, 
and then the other, it became quite evident that the 
most economical way to learn to sort cards is to sort 
them. Studying the boxes for an hour made learning 
progress on the next day faster than it would have been 
without study but not so fast as when the first hour 
had been spent in sorting. 

Chapman studied the effects of various forms of 
external incentives on the drill effects in adding, can- 
celling out and in the digit-symbol test. The incentives 
used were knowledge of previous records, the learning 
graph, and credit rewards. The motivated group did 
much better except in cancelling out. In the latter no 
incentive was needed. 

Practice in Fundamental Mental Functions. — We 
shall now turn from the question of strengthening 
bonds by practice to the question of the general im- 
provement of a function by practice. This is a wholly 
different problem from those we have been considering. 
We take up the question here because certain mental 
functions or capacities may be considered the tools or 
machinery of learning. The various forms of sensory 
discrimination, for example, are necessary elements in 
many forms of learning. The question of whether 
these functions, important as elements of learning, can 
be improved by practice is therefore a vital one. If 
there are mental functions which are important in all 
learning, and these functions can be improved by 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — SPECIAL FACTORS 81 

practice, then we can improve a person^s general learn- 
ing capacity. We turn to the experiments. 

Training in Pitch Discrimination. — Studies in pitch 
discrimination by F. 0. Smith in the University of 
Iowa indicate that there is no improvement from prac- 
tice. He studied children of all ages as well as adults. 
As a result of his extensive investigations he makes 
the follov/ing positive statement: "The sensitiveness 
of the ear to pitch differences can not be improved 
appreciably by practice. There is no evidence of any 
improvement in sensitiveness to pitch as a result of 
practice." It looks as if functions as simple as pitch 
discrimination are little improved by practice. They 
depend upon inherited nervous orgnisation. More com- 
plex functions seem to be improved by practice at least 
early in life. 

Whipple, by means of a specially devised tachisto- 
scope, gave several adults practice in the range of 
visual attention and in visual assimilation. He found 
no improvement after the first few days of work. This 
early improvement was due to the subjects becoming 
adapted to the conditions and methods of the experi- 
ment. 

Dallenbach, following Whipple, made similar experi- 
ments, using school children as subjects. Whipple had 
found that adults made practically no improvement. 
Dallenbach found that children made considerable im- 
provement. For bright and normal children, the im- 
provement was rapid at first and then slow. For dull 
and feeble-minded children, the improvement was very 
slow at first, but continued throughout the experiment. 
At the end of the experiment some of the dull and 
feeble-minded children were as good as the average 



82 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

normal child. Two conclusions seem warranted. (1) 
In fairly simple mental functions, improvement is pos- 
sible in the case of children when it is not possible for 
adults. (2) It sometimes happens that the ordinary 
situations of school and of life fail to develop 
even the primary mental functions. In such 
cases definite, special drill seems to develop 
these backward functions. Such being the case, 
although we cannot speak from definite experiments on 
the subject, it seems likely that the experiences of 
early life can at least in some measure affect the de- 
velopment of important mental functions. It seems 
obvious that these functions would not adequately de- 
velop without some external stimulation; then surely 
the character and amount of such stimulation must be 
of consequence. When the character and amount of 
stimulation have not been adequate to develop a child 
to the limits of his natural capacities, then specific 
drill is highly effective and valuable. When the char- 
acter and amount of stimulation have been sufficient to 
bring about the natural growth and development of the 
various aspects of mental capacity then specific practice 
with a view to develop mental capacity is of little value. 
It is of little value because the development has already 
taken place. 

Practical Inferences. — What practical advice shall 
psychology give the teacher on the question of drill? 
The experiments leave no doubt of the great value of 
specific drill, of direct practice. By far the larger part of 
elementary school work is concerned with habit-forma- 
tion. The formation of these habits should be faced 
squarely and directly. If a boy wishes to learn how to 
pitch balls, he pitches balls, not once or twice, but in- 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — SPECIAL FACTORS 83 

cessantly, day after day, month after month, year after 
year. We should follow a similar procedure in the case 
of spelling habits, reading habits, and all other habits to 
be acquired in school. Is there a ceitain skill that it is 
desirable I should possess? Then I must practice, 
practice, practice. By and by I shall have the skill. 
There is no reason why we should beat about the bush, 
evade, or come at it indirectly. I must know exactly 
what the skill is, have some good reason for desiring it, 
then I should practice it vigorously, regularly, directly. 
The school room, for the early years of child life, should 
be a drill room. The drill periods should be short ; the 
drills vigorous. During the drill, the attention of the 
children should be of the highest order. They should 
be working at the highest possible point of efficiency. 
Usually the drills should be of only a few minutes in 
length, not long enough to tire the children. Com- 
petition, both individual and group, can be used, if used 
wisely, to advantage. Every known legitimate device 
should be used to make the practice effective and profit- 
able, particularly should we have the pupil keep his 
record and plot his learning curve. We should arouse 
in him an ambition to make the curve rise a little every 
day. We should show him definitely the skill that is 
possible of attainment. He should know about how 
long it will take him to acquire that skill. 

Children delight to practice a newly acquired skill, 
delight in pure practice apart from the use of the skill 
in any concrete problem. When a child has, for ex- 
ample, learned how to do long division, he will ask for 
problems in long division merely for the pleasure of 
exercising the new skill. It is a fundamental principle 
of human nature that we like to do what we can do. 



84 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

particularly what we have just learned to do. This 
delight in mere exercise can be maintained provided 
the drills are short as well as vigorous. 

Practice in school subjects should not, however, be 
wholly formal. Every skill is only a means to some 
end. The skill has no real and permanent value in 
itself. It should therefore be used in its proper setting. 
Spelling, reading, writing, arithmetical fundamentals 
have no value in themselves. They are all merely 
means to ends that are intrinsically valuable. We must 
be able to spell and v/rite if we wish to communicate 
with friends at a distance. We must be able to read 
to get the pleasure and information that is possible 
from reading. We must be able to add, subtract, mul- 
tiply nad divide in order to be able to carry on the actual 
business of our life. In acquiring these skills, we 
should certainly use them in their real life connections 
and settings, but not merely so. If a child writes and 
spells only when writing a letter, it will probably never 
write a letter. If a base ball pitcher pitched only in 
games, he would never win many games. Much prac- 
tice must be preparatory, anticipatory. Early life is 
preparatory. Nothing can change that fact. Never- 
theless, there should be much incidental drill. Situa- 
tions should be devised in school and in the home that 
duplicate or mimic life situations, such as keeping 
store with its buying and selling and calculations and 
computations. There should also be much letter writ- 
ing, actual as well as fictitious. The child should have 
much practice in using his newly acquired skills in their 
proper settings. But he should have additional prac- 
tice of a direct and formal sort also. The two pro- 
cedures combined will give the efficiency v/hich the 
situations of life demand. 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — SPECIAL FACTORS 85 

Definite Procedure. — The thing* about habit-forma- 
tion that should be made clear is this: The teacher 
should understand definitely and clearly what she is 
trying to do, the knowledge she is to help the pupils to 
acquire and the habits she is to help them to form. 
These facts should be clear and definite to her. And 
she should make definite and systematic plans for the 
work. The school work of the past has been too indefi- 
nite, too hazy, too nebulous. Too often neither pupils 
nor teachers knew where they were going. Objectives 
must be known and clear. They must also be as close 
as possible. There must be constant realisation of 
aims. We can not put off all realisations, all fruits, 
all rewards to an uncertain future date. We must set 
a certain skill to be attained this week, perhaps even 
in this single practice. Not only must ends be definite 
and clearly known, but the time and place and manner 
of practice. By— means of the standard tests she 
done at any time is too often done at no time. The 
teacher should therefore supervise in great detail the 
whole work of practice on the part of the pupils, what 
work is to be done at school, what at home, the exact 
times of practice, the lengths of periods, the manner 
of practice. By means of the standard tests she 
should measure the progress of the pupils. Not only 
should all these things be definite and clear to the 
teacher, but they should be clear to the pupils as well. 
The pupils should know what they are doing and why 
they are doing it. They should know the precise 
nature of the habit they are to form, what it will be 
worth to them when they have it, how they are to pro- 
ceed to acquire it. And, as already pointed out, they 
should plot the course of the voyage they make in the 



86 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

process of acquirement. Not only should teacher and 
pupils have a clear understanding of their aims and 
their means of attaining them, but parents should have 
this knowledge, too. Teacher, parent, and pupil are all 
working together for the accomplishing of the one defi- 
nite, clear-cut purpose. Too often the parents do not 
know, more often still, do not understand the purposes 
of the school. Under such circumstances they can not 
properly co-operate. It must not be forgotten that the 
schools are maintained by the parents for their chil- 
dren. It sometimes looks as if schools were maintained 
by teachers for teachers, that pupils are important only 
because it is hard to have school without them, arid 
that parents have no importance at all. Their wishes 
are not to be considered. So easy it is to lose proper 
perspective and to forget the proper relations of things. 

Developing General Ability. — It does not seem that 
the school can do much toward developing general capa- 
city. There need be no training in the use of the senses. 
Nature provides for this training in the ordinary course 
of life. Probably most of the simple, elemental forms 
of mental activity need no specific training. It may be 
that in some cases they do, in case of exceptional chil- 
dren; generally they do not. The various aspects of 
association, learning, remembering, attending get suffi- 
cient practice for their development in the process of 
foiTning the needed habits, and acquiring the necessary 
knowledge. Briefly, we do not need to have studies or 
practices whose purpose is the development of the mind. 
The life that we must necessarily live develops about 
as far as development is possible. 

We do not mean to say, however, that mental func- 
tions develop without reference to the stimulation of 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — SPECIAL FACTORS 87 

the environment. On the contrary, the development of 
mental functions is absolutely dependent upon environ- 
mental stimulation. What we do mean to say is that 
the ordinary stimuli which are fairly constant to all 
human environments are sufficient to bring about nor- 
mal mental human development. No doubt extreme 
differences in this environment can measurably influ- 
ence human development. The evidence of the neurolo- 
gist supports this view. Bumham*, for example, says, 
*'We see from the genesis of the nervous system that 
the one condition necessary for normal development is 
a rich environment giving plenty of stimulation and 
freedom for the nervous mechanism to develop in its 
own way. This seem^s especially important for the 
cerebral cortex and its dependent structures. The same 
thing is emphasized, too, by all the cases of defect where 
normal stimuli are shut off. In such cases, there is 
always imperfect or arrested development." 

What Amount of Skill Is Desirable? — A legitimate 
question and a very practical one is this : V/hat degree 
of skill should we attain in the various school subjects? 
It is certainly not profitable to acquire great skill in 
functions that are not to be used for a long time, for 
unless practice is kept up in the interval, the skill will 
deteriorate before the time comes for its use. If we 
are always to consider economy, a skill should not be 
acquired until near the time for its use. It is certain 
that m.uch time is wasted in school because we do not 
take this principle into account. We have the child 
acquire numerous skills in the hope that some time, 
somewhere he will have occasion to use them. Many 

*W. H. Burnham, — The significance of stimulation in ihe develop- 
ment of the nervous system. A. J. P. 28, 1917, p. 38. 



88 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

of these skills he will never use, and many others will 
deteriorate before the time comes for their use. In all 
of the school subjects we should make a careful study 
of the skills which they give, and at the same time we 
should make a study of the present and future need of 
the child. The skills should be acquired with some 
reference to these present and future needs. It 
is certain that in many subjects, the amount that we 
teach should be cut down, stripped of unessentials. We 
should make a careful estimate of future needs, and 
consider the relative nearness of these needs. In mathe- 
matics, for example, the general needs are very few, the 
fundamental operations. These are needed constantly, 
or at least we can say that in any normal sort of life 
they should be used constantly. They should be mas- 
tered, and carried to a point where they can be used 
with speed, certainty and facility. The same thing is 
true of reading to get thought, of spelling, and of writ- 
ing. There is a minimum of essentials which all normal 
people should get to a fair degree of mastery. Beyond 
the minimum of essentials, all other skills should be 
mastered with reference to the time when they will be 
needed. As a general rule we should master first the 
skills that we shall need first. A great deal of time 
could be saved for the children of the country if com- 
petent people would select from the various subjects 
the minimum requirements of skill that are desirable 
for all. Whenever the special work v/hich a person 
takes up requires a skill additional to those already 
acquired, that skill can then be acquired. The skills 
acquired for distant and uncertain uses should be few. 
The immediate demands are too great to substitute for 
them uncertain future demands. But when future de- 



ECONOMICAL LEARNING — SPECIAL FACTORS 89 

mands are not uncertain they should be provided for 
at the proper time, and the proper time is the one that 
is the most economical, provided there are no other 
factors. 

Function of the Teacher. — The relation of the teacher 
to the learners is a close and important one. Book has 
enumerated and discussed the various ways in which 
the teacher can be of service to the pupils in their 
learning. He gives ten points, which may be condensed 
into eight, and stated concisely as follows: 

The teacher can — 

(1) Help pupils to overcome difficulties as they appear; 

(2) Help pupils to discover the best methods of study 
and work ; 

(3) See that pupils use the most economic methods in 
forming habits ; 

(4) Minimise the f orma,tion of interfering tendencies ; 

(5) Help pupils to organise and assimilate details in a 
natural way; 

(6) Provide special incentives to effort; 

(7) Make hygienic and environmental conditions of 
learning favorable ; 

(8) Develop in pupils an attitude of permanent interest 
in work. 

To these may be added another: The teacher can 
help the pupils to understand the purpose and nature 
of the habits to be formed. 

EXPERIMENTS AND EXERCISES. 

The facts of this chapter do not readily submit them- 
selves to class room demonstration. However, the stu- 
dents might very well make application of the facts to 
the various branches of the public school. These 
branches can be examined and the habit-forming 



90 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

aspects of each determined. The students can then 
work out a scheme of drill or other form of practice for 
fixing the habits, and in doing this, provide for the use 
of the psychological facts that are applicable. For ex- 
ample, let us take arithmetic. The actual number of 
habits that should be formed in the elementary study of 
arithmetic can be listed, so many in adding, so many in 
subtraction, so many in multiplication, and so on. The 
order in v/hich these habits should be established should 
be worked out. The use of early habits in acquiring 
later ones should be noted. After the elementary 
habits have been provided for, a study should be made 
of the use and application of these in fractions and per- 
centage. On this basis, a course of study in arithmetic 
as habit-formation could be made. Let the student 
make an estimate of the amount of time necessary to 
master the course outlined. 

Take other branches and make similar studies from 
the point of view of habit-formation. The plans of 
different students should be compared and discussed. 

REFERENCES. 

Book, W. F., The role of the teacher in the most expeditious and 
economic learning, J. E. P., I, 1910, 183. 

Brown, J. C, An investigation on the value of drUl ivork in funda- 
mental operations of arithmetic, J. E. P., II, 1911, 81; also J. E. P., 
Ill, 1912, 485 and 561. 

Donovan, M. E. and Thorndike, E. L,, Improvement in a practice 
experimeyit under school conditions, A. ,J. P., XXIV, 1913, 426. 

Fulton, M. J., An experiment in teaching spelling, Ped. Sem., XXI, 
1914, 287. 

Kirkpatrick, E. A., An experiment in memorising vs. incidental learn- 
ing, J. B. P., V, 1914, 405. 

Peters, C. C, lite influence of speed drills upon the rate and the ef- 
fectiveness of silent reading. J. E. P., VIII, 1917, 350 

Phillips, F. M., raluc of daihj hill in arithmetic. J. E. P., IV, 1913, 
159. 

Thorndike, E. L., Practice in the case of addition, A. J. P., XXI, 
1910, 483. 

Walliu, J. E. W-, Has the drill hccome obsolescent? J. E. P., I, 1910, 
200. 



Chapter VI. 
IDEATIONAL LEARNING. 

The Nature of Ideational Learning.— By ideational 
learning, we mean acquiring knowledge. In the last 
analysis, as pointed out in Chapter I, there is little if 
any difference between habit and knowledge. Both de- 
pend upon established neural connections. In habit, 
stimulus is connected with its motor response ; in knowl- 
edge, idea is connected with idea. In forming habits, 
neural bonds are established which connect certain 
stimuli v/ith certain muscular responses; in ideational 
learning, neural bonds are formed which connect cer- 
tain ideas with certain other ideas. In habits, the mus- 
cular response is the important element ; in knowledge, 
although muscular action may take place, it is not an 
important element, not an essential part of knowledge. 
In knowledge, the important thing is sequence of ideas. 
If action takes place, it follows upon the sequence of 
ideas, and has no causal relation with them. In the 
last four chapters, we have had in mind chiefly habit- 
formation. In this chapter, our exclusive concern is 
with ideational learning, the getting of knowledge. 

Knowledge and Ideas, — -Our first concern is to get a 
clear notion of the meaning of the words idea and 
hnoivledge. The meaning given to each of these terms 
is a simple and common-sense one. We shall call our 
sensory experience with the world, primary experience, 
and the revivals of sensory experience in the absence 
of sensory stimulation, we shall call secondary experi- 

[91] 



92 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

ence. Sensory experience takes the form of perception ; 
secondary experience takes the form of ideas. Percep- 
tions are the conscious processes representative of the 
objects of objective experience, sensory experience. 
Ideas are the conscious processes representative of ob- 
jects in rvived or secondary experience. To illustrate : 
Suppose I take a walk through the v^oods. I see, hear, 
touch, smell, and taste various things. I have primary, 
sensory, perceptual experience of birds, trees, flowers, 
fruits, breezes, sounds, temperatures. Afterward, when 
night has come, I sit in my room and experience the 
trip all over again in the form of ideas. We shall, then, 
use idea as the general name for the bits or elements 
of revived experience. We shall use knowledge as the 
name for connected ideas, remembering that one ele- 
ment of the connection may be a perception, but the 
second element is always an idea. 

As I sit in my room and live the wood trip over again, 
many ideas come to me, not only ideas of the trip but 
other ideas that come up from every part of my past 
experience. Within an hour, ideas come, revived from 
almost every part of my past life. Various experiences 
of the trip, owing to similarity with past experiences, 
revive the past experiences, so that the experiences of 
the trip serve as a means of tapping or sounding almost 
the whole of past experience. The intricacy with which 
all of our past experience is bound together is well 
shown by the free association experiment. In this ex- 
periment, the subject is given a word and told to write 
all the other words which com^e to mind. The author 
has the following sequence : sky, sun moon, clouds, rain, 
umbrella, wet, woman, hat, hair, dress, skin, comb, eyes, 
glasses, water. Why did these words — representing 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 93 

ideas — come in this order? In the case of my wood- 
trip, I find that my ideas correspond to the perceptual 
experience as it came during the trip, not in strict 
chronological order, but all the ideas of or from the 
trip are closely bound together. Do the words, sky, 
sun, etc., written above, represent any particular expe- 
rience, or do they come from a great variety of experi- 
ences? They, of course, come from a great variety of 
experiences, and it shall now be our purpose to examine 
into the laws that determine their coming. 

The Law of Association. — Let us suppose that on my 
walk through the woods, I passed a large boulder and 
saw a snake coiled up beside it. When the experience 
comes back to me, I have an idea of the boulder and 
also of the snake. Or, when I go by the same place 
again and see the boulder I also think of the snake. 
This is typical of all experience. What is experienced 
together in perception, comes back together as ideas. 
Processes that take place together in the brain, or come 
in close succession are connected, they are really a part 
of one process, as they leave in the brain some form, a 
trace of this connection, so that later a revival of one 
of one process, and they leave in the brain some form, a 
and boulder were together in the woods ; they are like- 
wise together in my mind ; the creek, and the shore, and 
the frogs, and the dragon-flies, and water lilies were 
together in my experience; they are likewise together 
in my mind. Clouds, and lightning, and thunder, and 
rain, and mud are together in the world, they set up 
simultaneous and immediately successive processes in 
my brain and are consequently together in my mind. 
Corresponding to all the outer world, with its spatial 
and temporal and causal relationships, I build up an 



94 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

inner world of ideas. Whatever relationships and se- 
quences exist in the objective world, hold also with my 
ideas. The outer world is lawful, orderly, systematic, 
so also is my world of ideas. 

It is obvious that the various objects of perceptive 
experience are experienced in myriad connections. A 
horse, for example, is experienced in connection with 
buggies, wagons, trucks; as being ridden, as being 
driven; they are seen in pastures; they are seen run- 
ning away; they are seen dying; they are seen lying 
on the streets with broken legs ; they are seen with colts 
following them; in a word, they are experienced in a 
great variety of situations. At any particular time, if 
horse is suggested to me, what one of its ideational 
connections will follow? Both observation and labora- 
tory experiment have revealed several determining fac- 
tors, as follows: primacy, the original connection; 
recency, the most recent connection. The other factors 
are frequency ^ meaning the number of times the partic- 
ular connection has been repeated in perceptual or idea- 
tional experience; intensity, meaning the intensity or 
vividness of the experienced connection ; and mental set 
or attitude. By mental set we mean that the attitude 
or feeling tone of the original experience is a determin- 
ing factor in the revived experience. Other factors be- 
ing equal, the mood or attitude that I am in will deter- 
mine that sequence, in any given case, which corre- 
sponds to previous sequences in the same attitude. At 
any time, if I see a horse, or if the idea of horse comes 
to mind, the idea which the idea hoi^se will first suggest 
or arouse, will depend upon the most pervious neural 
path at that moment, and the most pervious path or 
connection will depend upon the various strengths of 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 95 

the factors above mentioned. The first idea may be of 
a run-a-way horse, depending upon recency, the next 
idea may be of a horse piilhng a plow depending upon 
frequency, the next idea may be of a horse pulHng a 
buggy depending upon primacy; and the next idea may 
be of horses pulhng a hearse depending upon mood. 
Always these various factors are at work ; always there 
is a conflict for the determination of the course of asso- 
ciation. The path that is most open leads to the first 
connected idea; the path that has the least resistance 
next in order determines the next idea; and so on, till 
the trend of association is diverted by perception or till 
it is carried internally to another center or matrix. 

Thinking. — We shall use the v/ord thinking as a gen- 
eral term to designate the free flow or passage of ideas. 
This flow or passage depends entirely upon the law of 
iissociation. While we are awake, there is in us a con- 
stant succession of ideas. Usually a perception initiates 
a series of ideas. For example : I walk along the street. 
I receive impressions through all the senses. The sights 
and sounds and odors arouse trains of ideas. I pass a 
man. His name comes to me. Then I think of various 
experiences which I have had with him — when I first 
saw him, when I last saw him, of his business, his 
family. These ideas are in process Vv^hen I pass a dough- 
nut shop, v/hich sets up a different series of ideas. The 
smell of doughnuts makes me think of my childhood, 
the early home, my mother and her cooking. Nearly 
everything which I pass as I go down the street is rich 
in association and sets going a series of ideas. 

All day long, wherever we are and whatever we may 
be doing, we have perceptions. These perceptions set 
going trains or series of ideas. A closely related series 



96 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

of ideas leads presently to another. And so the ideas 
flow along till a new perception breaks in and sets up 
a different series. 

Reasoning.^ — Reasoning is the flow of ideas evoked by 
a situation, new or partially new. Since the situation 
is new, it arouses no response through habitual connec- 
tions. For all situations that have been repeatedly met, 
there follow habitual forms of response that have been 
organised in connection with situations. When we meet 
a situation partially new and no instinctive or habitual 
response follows, we have to stop and wait for the asso- 
ciative processes to suggest a solution. The process of 
reasoning may be illustrated as follows ; The outlet of 
my bath tub was stopped up so that the water would 
not drain out. The following ideas came to me — there 
is an obstruction just at the bend outside of the tub, 
probably there is a way to get in there and get the ob- 
struction out, I look and find that there is. I can get 
in by unscrewing a nut. But the nut is in a place diffi- 
cult to get at, and besides I have no wrench handy to 
unscrew the nut. The pressure of the water in the tub 
is not great enough to porce the obstruction out. If I 
should fill the tub full of water perhaps the pressure 
would be great enough to force the obstruction out. I 
try it and it will not do it. How can I get greater pres- 
sure ? The pressure of the water in the water pipes is 
strong enough to force it out. But how can I utilise 
this pressure ? If I could put a piece of rubber hose on 
the pipe from which the water passes into the tub and 
hold the other end of the hose at the outlet of the tub, 
the force of the water might force the obstruction out. 
I try it. It will not do it. If I could wrap a rag around 
the end of the hose at the outlet of the tub so as to force 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 97 

all the water into the drain pipe, the pressure would be 
great enough to force the obstruction out. I try it and 
it works. The obstruction is forced out. The illustra- 
tion is fairly typical of all reasoning. We meet a situa- 
tion that has not been met before. The situation sug- 
gests or arouses various ideas from our past experience. 
Certain elements of the situation are like past experi- 
ences. An idea comes to us. We try it out. It may 
work. It may not. If it does not work, it is because 
we do not have accurate enough information about the 
forces with which we deal. In the above illustration, I 
did not know how hard the obstruction would be to 
force out. I did not know whether the pressure of the 
tub full of water would be sufficient or not. I had to 
try and see. Various ideas of getting pressure behind 
the obstruction came to me. I tried out the ideas till 
success came. 

In the above illustration, an actual situation had to 
be met. It often happens that we meet a hypothetical 
situation as when we have to answer a question. The 
thought processes are the same, but the illustration 
shows that we can not be sure of an answer to a hypo- 
thetical question unless the conditions are accurately 
stated. Suppose I have a ring of iron and a sphere of 
iron that will nearly but not quite go through the ring. 
How can I get it through ? Now if my past experience 
has taught me that heat expands iron, the idea may 
come to me that if the ring is heated, it will expand and 
possibly let the ball pass through. If I have accurate 
knowledge about the expansion of iron due to heat, I 
can answer the question by making accurate measure- 
ments of the ring and ball. If I do not have this accu- 
rate knowledge and can not make very accurate meas- 



98 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

urements, I shall have to try and see, I can not give an 
accurate theoretical answer. The latter is often the 
case in our theoretical reasoning. The facts that we 
have are not full enough and not accurate enough to 
enable us to make an exact answer. Much of the ordi- 
nary reasoning of men has this defect. Much that is 
taught in school is untrue because due to inferences 
from incomplete or erroneous data. We have been 
taught much in physiology and hygiene that is now dis- 
covered to be untrue, much about digestion — what we 
ought to eat, how we ought to eat it and when we ought 
to eat it — mxuch about diseases, their causes and their 
supposed cures. All the social sciences are full of false 
doctrines because of incomplete and inaccurate knowl- 
edge. 'It is so often true that v/e can not gauge cor- 
rectly the forces or principles that enter into our rea- 
soning, that we can seldom be sure of our conclusion 
unless we can put out tentative solutions to the prac- 
tical test. Reasoning is usually the means by which 
our past experience suggests possible solutions to the 
problem or situation which confronts us. The public 
schools can be of great service to our people and to our 
country by making these facts clear to children, but 
this point we must take up in a later paragraph. 

There is nothing new about the process of reasoning ; 
nothing different from the ordinary flow of ideas; no 
new law in operation. The flow of ideas, hov/ever, is 
limited by the situation. We maintain the situation, or 
external conditions maintain it for us — the water per- 
sists in staying in the bath tub — and one series of ideas 
after another is initiated. Each series of ideas is the 
result of past experience. Our problem is solved, theo- 
retically, when an idea comes that satisfies us, that 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 99 

seems in the light of our experience, to fit the situation. 
The idea may be adequate; it may not. All depends 
upon our past experience and the accuracy of our knowl- 
edge of the situation. 

Primary Experience.-— It is clear that in ideational 
learning and in the processes of thinking and reasoning, 
all depends upon primary experience. Ideas, the ele- 
ments of knowledge, are derived from perceptual ex- 
perience. We must therefore take pains to see that 
children have wide experience, that the facts of experi- 
ence are corrctly interpreted. The child must have a 
first-hand experience with nature — with all the forces 
of nature and with all the objects of nature — with ani- 
mals and plants, and vvith machinery. It must learn 
their names, and their uses or functions. It learns by 
seeing, hearing, touching, tasting, smelling, etc. In 
getting knowledge of things, nothing can fully take the 
place of direct experience. No description of the taste 
of sugar could ever give us a clear notion of the taste 
of it if we had never tasted it. And if w^e have tasted 
it, no description is necessary: No description of a 
cow could give us a clear notion of one. All of our 
knowledge must be built upon actual sensory experi- 
ence. If a person lacks some sense, as sight, from 
birth, no description can make clear to him what expe- 
rience is like in the field of the sense that is lacking. 
The basis of all knowledge must come through the 
senses. Throughout all the years of a child's life, it is 
getting this knowledge; it is learning the world in all 
the world's manifold aspects. Day after day, and year 
after year, the individual is having new experiences, is 
learning new aspects of the world. The early life of the 
child must be economised, useless knowledge eliminated 



100 THE PSYCHOLOGY OP LEARNING 

and economical methods of learning used, so as to give 
plenty of time for mastery of the material world in all 
its various phases. 

The Organization of Experience.-— Since we get expe- 
rience through the senses, the getting of experience is 
determined by the circum^stances of life, by the place 
where we live and the time when we live. The boy on 
the mountain has mountain experience ; the boy on the 
plain has plain experience. Boys that lived at a certain 
time and were at a certain place, witnessed the Battle 
of Gettysburg, others saw Lincoln, others saw Wash- 
ington, others witnessed the San Francisco earthquake. 
The organisation of experience, however, is independ- 
ent in some measure, of the original order of experi- 
ence. We get experience as the chances of life deter- 
mine. In accordance with the law of association, things 
are bound together which have been experienced to- 
gether. But things which we have experienced together 
may have for us no useful connection. Chance may de- 
termine that I see a rattlesnake and hear a hoot owl at 
the same time, but this connection of the two may 
have no use for me. We can organise our experience 
by thinking it over in helpful relations. The important 
idea for me to have when I see a rattler, is not of an 
owl but that the snake may bite me and that its bite 
is poisonous. Out of the raw ma^terial of the day's ex- 
perience, we reconstruct a useful world, the world that 
concerns us. The objective V\^orld is not lawless. The 
order in it determines the order of our ideas. But cer- 
tain relations in the world are more important to us 
than others. We therefore reorganise the world by 
thinking over our experience in the relations that are 
important to us. The causal relation is usually most 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 101 

important to us. The causal sequences exist in nature, 
and it is best for us to fix them in memory by repeated 
thinking of the ideas in the causal sequence. But many 
things that happen together have no causal relation, as 
my seeing the snake and hearing the owl. Repeated 
experience on our part is necessary to enable us to dis- 
tinguish true causality from mere accidental concomi- 
tance. Older people, as our parents and teachers who 
have had more experience, can be of great service to us 
in the organisation of our experience. They can point 
out to us the important relationships and aid us in es- 
tablishing them in the sequence of our ideas through 
repetition. 

Getting Knowledge. — To live in this world we must 
be able to control it. To control it, we must have knowl- 
edge of it. Since some aspects of the world are more 
important to us than others, some knowledge is more 
important than other knov/ledge. One function of the 
school is to help the child to get and organise useful 
knowledge, such as knowledge of the mechanical, phys- 
ical and chemical aspects of the world ; knowledge about 
animals and plants, knowledge about the human body — 
its organs and their functions, how to keep healthy, 
how to keep strong, — civic and social knov/ledge. Just 
what this knowledge should be in detail we shall not 
here enquire. We want simply to get a general view 
of it. The child must learn certain aspects of the world 
to enable him to control it and to direct his life in it. 
The question we wish to raise here is how we can eco- 
nomically get this knowledge. 

But first let us recall fully the nature of knowledge. 
Knowledge consists in the names of things coupled to 
the ideas of the things and the functions or uses of the 



102 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

things coupled to the names. These we must know. 
From infancy the process of getting this knowledge 
goes on. The child learns how to move about in its 
little world, learns v/hat will hurt it and what will not, 
what it can manipulate and what, not. Year after year 
more and more knowledge is added until at maturity we 
have usable knowledge about most material things. Our 
method of getting all this knowledge is through per- 
ception. There is no other way. We see the objects 
of the world, touch them, taste them, smell them, 
hear them. We note their actions. We experiment 
with them and thereby learn their characteristics and 
their ways of reacting. We wish, for example, to learn 
the various factors that determine the germination of 
seeds. We therefore try to germinate seeds under all 
possible conditions, v/ithout air, without moisture, with- 
out heat, and with various combinations of these factors 
and with various degrees of these three factors. As a 
result of our experiment, we learn the factors that are 
necessary for germination. All our basic knowledge of 
the world must be got either by careful observation of 
phenomena as we meet them or from the results of 
carefully planned experiments. The child must be 
taught not only to be a close observer, but a critical 
observer. 

Analysis of Experience. — The process of getting 
knowledge and of organising knowledge is constantly 
one of analysis. In the first place our notion of quali- 
ties and all abstract characteristics comes through a 
process of analysis, and analysis is possible through 
experiencing things in a great variety of relationships. 
We get the idea of redness by experiencing different 
things of different sizes and shapes having this char- 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 103 

acteristic. We get the notion of triangularity, of 
squareness, of roundness, etc., in a similar way. From 
a variety of experiences our general notions crystallize 
out. The world at first is largely unitary. Every day 
of our life, it falls apart into its separate parts, and the 
parts into their separate characteristics. The relation- 
ships among the parts grow ever more subtle and intri- 
cate. As v/e grow older, bonds are possible between 
ideas that were not possible before because the ideas 
did not and could not exist for us before. 

Meaning.-— The most important thing about an idea is 
its meaning. The meaning of an idea is another idea 
closely associated with it. Since an idea may have 
many such associations, it may have many meanings. 
The mxost important meaning of an idea is the use to 
which the thing represented by it may be put. Of all 
the things that the idea of an object may bring to our 
mind, v/hat most concerns us is what we can do with 
the thing, how we can make it serve our purposes, how 
it is likely to affect us, whether it will harm us or do 
us good. 

Ice is cold, hard, slick. It may be used to keep our 
food cool in the refrigerator, to cool our drinking water, 
for making ice cream, etc. A pencil is a thing made of 
wood, with lead inside, but more important, it is a 
thing with which I can write a letter. An ax is a thing 
used for chopping, a saw for sawing, a fork for con- 
veying food to the mouth. Shakespeare was a drama- 
tist; Longfellow, a poet. Sympathy is feeling loith 
another. The meaning of an idea is, then, another idea 
that represents some characteristic, some relation, some 
use. Most of our knevv^ledge is knowledge of meanings. 
Most of our progress in knowledge consists in learning 



104 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

new meanings. The development or growth of the 
meanings of the same thing are almost unlimited. A 
flower to a child is not the same thing that it is to a 
man or woman, and far from the same thing that it 
is to a technical botanist. To the child it may be a 
pretty thing that has an agreeable odor ; to the botanist, 
it may still be this and in addition a means of develop- 
ing seeds for propagation. A stone may be to a boy 
merely a thing to be thrown at a dog, to the geologist 
it tells a long story about a most interesting past. Long 
and intimate experience with objects reveals meanings 
before undreamed of, subtle relationships, resemblances 
before unnoticed. How different from ours is the bota- 
nist's notion of a plant! What different aspects does 
the world take on to the mathematician, the physicist, 
the chemist, the geologist, the zoologist, the psycholo- 
gist! How different is the world of the farmer from 
that of the banker or merchant ! 

As the years go by we severally build up for our- 
selves our own particular kind of world with meanings 
suitable to our needs and uses. To the doctor it be- 
comes a world of disease; to the preacher, a world of 
sin; to the physicist, it is a world of forces. At bot- 
tom, it is all the same world, but we have seized upon 
different aspects of it and thereby narrowed our inter- 
est in it, and circumscribed our knov/ledge of it. This 
course is necessary, because since we of necessity must 
deal with and manipulate different aspects of the world, 
we must know these aspects with more fullness than 
we knov/ other aspects that do not directly concern us. 
Trouble comes v/hen we forget that our world is only 
a partial world and not the whole world. I may be 
interested only in the top of things; others are inter- 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 105 

ested in the bottom. I may be interested only in the 
outside of things; others are interested in the inside. 
It takes both top and bottom, both outside and inside to 
make the whole. 

The school should help the child to organise the world 
with reference to useful meanings. The child should 
always be asking the question, what does this thing 
mean ? What is its true significance ? What caused it ? 
What will it cause ? What is its relation to other things ? 
In history, for example, what are the causes? What 
results follow? What are the underlying movements? 
What does Socrates mean? What, Napoleon? What, 
Lincoln? What means the Renaissance? What, the 
French Revolution ? In literature, what means Oedipus 
Tyrrannuus? Macbeth? King Lear? Othello? Ro- 
mola? The Scarlet Letter? 

A defect in our acquiring knowledge and meanings 
is that often we get the knovvledge in an abstract, iso- 
lated sort of way apart from the real situations of life. 
As a result, we do not really have knowledge of an 
actual world, we do not have clear comprehension, and 
when situations arise when the knowledge would be 
available, the right idea does not readily come to us 
because the knowledge was not learned in connection 
with that particular kind of situation, consequently 
the situation often fails to arouse the right association. 

Reasoning Specific— Is reasoning capacity general or 
is it specific? Can we speak of a person being a good 
reasoner in general or do we have to say he is a good 
reasoner in such and such fields and a poor reasoner 
in other fields? These questions can be answered in 
the light of the facts already given. Since reasoning 
depends upon experience, one can not reason in fields 



106 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

where he has had no experience. One may have knowl- 
edge ever so extensive in other fields, but if he have no 
botanical knowledge he can not reason in the field of 
botany. There are some aspects of reasoning, hov/- 
ever, that are in a measure general. There are certain 
criteria for the testing of truth that are of general 
validity. The assumption that a phenomenon always 
has a cause is one that can be made in all fields. The 
practice of being cautious, of waiting until all the facts 
are examined is of general validity, as is also that of 
putting a conclusion to the practical test of experiment. 
Training in reasoning must, therefore, be rather spe- 
cific. If one wishes to be a great reasoner in the field of 
physics, he must get a large experience in that field. 
He must learn all the laws and principles and be familiar 
with the methods of the science. One can be trained 
in reasoning, (1) in getting a wide experience in the 
field wherein he is to reason, (2) in the matter of be- 
ing cautious and waiting to examine all the facts, and 
(3) in putting the conclusion to the practical test of 
experiment or experience. 

Measuring Reasoning Capacity. — How well one can 
reason, or how well one can learn to reason depends 
upon hereditary factors as well as upon experience. 
People of the same experience have different capacity 
to reason. Some people, by reason of inheritance, seem 
able to know what is significant, what relations are im- 
portant, while other people have little ability to see 
relative values, and it seems they can never learn to 
do it. Our ability to reason, then, has certain hereditary 
limitations. Since reasoning depends so largely upon 
experience and since few people have had anything 
like the same experience, its measurement is difficult, 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 107 

and can be accomplished only approximately. How well 
one has established certain logical relationships, is to a 
considerable extent indicative of one's ability to reason. 
The measurement of these verbal relationships is then, 
in a measure, a measurement of reasoning capacity. 
Such is accomplished by the opposites test, the genus- 
species test, the part-whole test, and other similar tests, 
also by the analogies test. Certain tests, as those of 
Bonser, have been specifically devised to test reasoning 
capacity. Specific reasoning tests are likely to have the 
defect that they demand specific experience and train- 
ing ; for example, problems in arithmetic are good meas- 
ures of reasoning capacity only if those measured have 
had equal opportunity to learn the principles of arith- 
metic. 

Verbatim Learning.—- Learning the actual words of a 
selection is a task not often required of people gen- 
erally, but in all grades of school some verbatim learn- 
ing is necessary. Experiments have shown that learn- 
ing by small bits, a line at a time or a few lines at a 
time, is not the most economical way. There is a sav- 
ing of time in the learning of either prose or verse by 
working on a large segment at a time, reading this 
large segment clear through from beginning to end till 
the part is learned. In the experimental work it ap- 
peared that there is a saving in the whole method on 
selections up to one 240 lines in length, as compared to 
learning the same selections by small bits or the part 
method. No experimenter has used selections longer 
than 240 lines. 

Each of the two methods, however, has its advan- 
tages and disadvantages. If a selection is divided into 
parts and each of the parts learned, and the time for 



108 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

learning the separate parts added, it is found usually 
to be less than the time for learning the selection by 
the whole method. But after the selection is learned 
in parts, it takes more time to cement the parts to- 
gether, so that the total is greater than the time re- 
quired by the whole method. The weakness of the 
whole method is that it is difficult to maintain a high 
degree of attention throughout a long selection. Fur- 
thermore, there is much over learning. Some parts are 
learned long before the others. In spite of both of 
these factors, the whole method proved more econom- 
ical. A combination of the two methods in a way to 
utilise the good points of each is probably to be recom- 
mended in practice, such a combination, for example, as 
learning a segment of several lines, then another; oc- 
casionally going over it from the beginning as far as 
learned, and also occasionally going through the entire 
selection. 

The experimental work on which the preceding state- 
ments are based, was done with meaningful material in 
prose and verse. Pechstein has recently reported that 
with nonsense material, the part method is the best, 
and gets favorable results by a combination of the two 
methods. 

How to Study. — ^When a student sits down to study a 
lesson, how should he proceed ? Of course, the answer 
depends somewhat on the kind of lesson, whether in 
chemistry, history, or mathematics, for example. Gen- 
erally, a lesson contains but a few facts or principles. 
The student should first read through the assignment 
as a whole to get the general drift of the argument or 
description, then he should go back and pick out the 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 109 

essentials. As a rule, one should underline in the text 
the crucial, fundamental statements, so as to make it 
easy to turn through the pages and get the funda- 
mental thoughts. The student should make sure of 
what the author says, of the meaning and of its sig- 
nificance. He should always put the question: What 
does this mean ? Especially, What does it mean to me ? 
The author should be translated into the understanding 
and experience of the student. In reading a book, it 
should always be our task to find out the author's mean- 
ing. Certainly we should not attempt to criticise be- 
fore we know what the author means. The student 
should early learn to discriminate between fact and 
theory or opinion, and should always note carefully 
whether an author is giving facts, or the author's 
opinions, or the opinions of some one else. Unfortu- 
nately many people go through life without learning to 
discriminate between a fact and an opinion. 

EXPEPvIMENTS AND EXERCISES. 
1. Association. The object of this experiment is to 
make a study of the factors that determine the con- 
nection of ideas. In a class experiment nothing beyond 
illustration should be attempted. The free association 
experiment will serve well enough for this purpose. The 
instructor should prepare a list of v/ords, then pro- 
nounce them one at a time to the class. When a word 
is pronounced the students are to write down the first 
word that comes to their minds. Let the students de- 
termine the factors operative in the case of each word, 
considering recency, primacy, frequency, intensity, 
mental set and emotional factors. The experiment 
should make it clear that there is nothing in the nature 



110 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

of ideas as such that bind them together, that the way 
in which they become bound together is a matter of 
experience. 

2. Reasoning. The object of this experiment is to 
show that reasoning depends primarily upon experience 
and the abihty to recall the experience when it is 
needed. The instructor should prepare a number of 
problems and questions for solution and ansv/er. The 
following will serve as examples: If a rope were 
stretched entirely around the earth at the equator and 
then lengthened six feet, how much space would there 
be between the earth and rope, supposing the distance 
to be made equal all around? Suppose three inch-cir- 
cles are tangent, each to the other two, what is the 
area of the space between the circles? Suppose a bar 
of iron is riveted to a similar bar of copper and the 
combined bar is then heated in the middle, which way 
v/ill it bend? If a metal ball four inches in diameter 
weigh 50 pounds, how large must a ball of the same 
metal be to weigh 100 pounds ? If a cube of ice weigh- 
ing ten pounds melts in an hour, how long will be re- 
quired for a tv/enty-pound cube to melt, the tempera- 
ture of the surrounding air being the same? 

Give the above and similar problems to the students 
and let each report on the reasoning processes that fol- 
low. When a problem can not be solved, determine 
whether it is because of lack of experience or inability 
to recall the experience. 

3. * 'Knowledge consists in the association of the 
name of a thing with the idea of the thing, or the func- 
tion or some characteristic of a thing with the name 
or idea of the thing." Let the student verify this state- 
ment by an examination of various kinds of knowledge. 



IDEATIONAL LEARNING 111 

4. Give several illustrations showing the difference 
between primary and secondary experience. 

5. Make a study of meaning by getting the responses 
of students to various characters in literature and his- 
tory and to objects in nature. Put the questions as 
follows: Who was Caesar? Pericles? Shakespeare? 
Hamlet? Othello? Antigone? What is sulphur? 
Iron? Platinum? Heliotrope? Water? Oxygen? 

The experiment should shov/ that the same person or 
thing may have different meanings to different people. 

Interesting facts are learned by reading short bits of 
literature to the class and having each student give his 
interpretation. 

6. "All knowledge of function and characteristics is 
analytic." Let the student verify this statement by an 
examination of many different kinds of knowledge. 

7. The instructor can measure the reasoning capac- 
ity of the members of the class by giving several con- 
trolled association tests, several completion tests, and 
by giving specific problems. The elements needed in 
the solution of the problems must have been v/ithin 
the experience of the students. In exercise 2 above, 
the problems may very well go outside the experience 
of the students, but in a study of reasoning ability, the 
problems must be within the experience of the students. 
The best reasoner is he who makes the best use of his 
experience. 

8. In Chapter VI, the students are asked to apply the 
facts of the chapter to the habit-formation aspects of 
the public school curriculum. Make a similar applica- 
tion of the facts of this chapter to the ideational learn- 
ing involved in the public school branches. Show, for 
example, that in history, the child is learning the names 



112 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

of people and places and the causes and consequences 
of events. The students should carefullj^ work out the 
knowledge aspects of each school study. 

REFERENCES. 

Brown, W., Practice in associating color names with colors, P. R., 
XXII, 1915, 45. 

Practicing in associating numter names with nuniber symhols, 
P. R., XXII, 1915, 77. 

Dewey, J., Hoiv we think, 1910. 

Hall, G. S., Some psychological asj^ects of language teaching, Ped. 
Sem., XXI, 1914, 256. 

Judd, C, H., The psychology of high school siihjects, 1915, Ch. XVII 
on Generalised experience. 

Lakenan, M. E., The tvhole and part methods of memorising poetry 
and prose, J. E. P., IV, 1913, 189. 

Otis, A. S., Do we think in words? P. R., XXVII, 1920, 399. 

Pechstein, L. A., Whole vs. part methods in learning nonsensical 
syllahles, J. E. P., IX, 1918, 381. 

Alleged elements of waste iti learning a motor problem by the 
''part" method, J. E. P., VIII, 1917, 303. 

Pyle, W. H. and Snyder, J- C, The most economical unit for com- 
mitting to memory, J. E. P., H, 911, 133. 

Thorndike, E. L., Repetition vs. recall in memorising vocabularies, 
J. E. P., V, 1914. 



CHAPTER VII. 
THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE. 

Learning and Memory. — Learning would be impossi- 
ble without memorj^ To learn means to become 
changed, different from what we were before. If the 
difference is not retained, at least for some length of 
time, then we have not learned. Learning and memory- 
each involves the other. To learn means that we must 
have memory; to remember means we must have 
learned. 

Memory — the retention of experience — is one of the 
most remarkable facts of human life. Any bit of ex- 
perience leaves us different from what we were before. 
Every new habit, every repetition of an old habit, every 
bit of new knowledge, makes us a somewhat different 
person. This is because we are the sum of our experi- 
ences and tendencies; because we are the result of our 
accumulated experience. 

It is memory alone that puts meaning into life. A 
merely perceptual life would be meaningless. Every 
perception arouses ideas which have resulted from past 
experience, and v/hich give the perception meaning. The 
importance of m.emory, the part it plays in life, is at 
once evident when one tries to imagine what life would 
be without it. If every new experience were to us as 
if it were our first, if it called forth no echoes of a 
past, it would not really be experience. Experience 
must have a longitudinal dimension as well as a trans- 
verse one. It consists in a union of past and present.^^ 

[113] 



114 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Learning and memory are really different aspects of 
the same thing. To learn means to become different. 
To remember means to retain the difference. Much of 
the experimental work in memory might well be called 
studies of learning, and many learning experiments 
might v/ell be called studies in memory. It is all a mat- 
ter of emphasis. In this chapter we are to consider 
those facts which bear more especially on the retention 
of experience. We shall use the term memory in a 
general sense as synonymons with the expression 
retention of experience. 

Memory and Age. — Ability to retain experience, as 
far as it can be measured by experimental means, im- 
proves with age from the earliest time in childhood 
when such measurements are possible, up to maturity 
or near maturity. Of course, retention is different with 
different aspects of experience, but age brings improve- 
m_ent in all aspects. If we show children a number of 
objects, a number of pictures of objects, a number of 
names of objects, or a number of abstract words, and 
then determine later how well the experience is re- 
tained, we find that it is better with each succeeding 
year till near maturity. If v/e read a story to children, 
and later determine hov; well the story is retained, we 
find retention better up to near maturity. There seems 
little increase in ability to retain experience after about 
thirteen years of age. In fact experiments often show 
a falling off of ability to reproduce stories during the 
high school age. It is quite likely that this apparent 
decrease in memory capacity is due to a certain atti- 
tude of the subjects and not to any decrease in retentive 
capacity. In the earlier years, children reproduce, par- 
rot-like, stories read to them, without discrimination. 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 115 

Older children reproduce only the salient facts, through 
habit omitting details. This attitude results in a lower 
score. A careful study of all the experimental work 
in this field leads one to the conclusion that retentivity, 
as far as it can be measured by experiments, improves 
considerably to about the age of adolescence, then more 
slowly to the age of physical maturity. There is no 
undoubted evidence of a decline of retentivity before 
middle age. Improvement in retention due to age is 
shown in tables 5, 6, and 7 : 

TABLE 5. 

THE RELATION OF MEMORY TO AGE AND SEX (PYLE). 

CONCRETE ROTE MEMORY— CITY CHILDREN. 

f Boys. ^ I Girls. ^ 

Number Number 

Age. Cases. Average. Cases. Average. 

8 176 17.46 172 18.59 

9 249 19.77 297 19.76 

10 348 20.82 321 20.94 

11 376 22.03 330 22.81 

12 346 23.30 347 24.22 

13 339 24.12 358 24.69 

14 266 2.4.83 304 24.97 

15 277 25.40 247 25.78 

16 155 25.66 183 26.96 

17 73 26.72 121 27.28 

18 46 27.15 64 27.52 

TABLE 6. 

ABSTRACT ROTE MEMORY— CITY CHILDREN. 

, Boys. ^ , Girls. ^ 

Number Number 

Age. Cases. Average. Cases. Average. 

8 174 15.70 172 17.19 

9 255 18.01 297 18.49 

10 349 19.25 319 19.66 

11 375 20.02 330 21.05 

12 348 21.22 350 22.56 

13 339 21.14 359 23.35 

14 267 23.16 303 23.66 

15 228 23.87 248 24.64 

16 155 24.13 181 25.71 

17 77 25.74 121 25.88 

18 46 26.44 64 27.13 



116 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



TABLE 7. 

THE RELATION OF MEMORY TO AGE AND SEX (PYLE). 

MATERIAL USED, THE MARBLE STATUE. 

CITY CHILDREN. 

, Boys. V ( Girls. ^ 

Number Number 

Age. Cases. Average. Cases. Average. 

8 102 24.3 89 28.5 

9 148 28.7 158 21.0 

10 142 30.0 138 33.5 

11 149 32.9 156 36.4 

12 156 35.1 191 38.1 

13 163 33.8 164 38.5 

14 129 36.1 146 39.0 

15 89 36.5 99 39.1 

16 60 34.4 94 37.3 

17 45 34.6 81 36.6 

18 65 38.3 86 40.1 

Adults 65 38.3 86 40.0 




Figure 13. Rote Memory Graphs, somewhat smoothed, ages 8 to 
18, broken line girls, solid line boys. 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 



117 




. 



'g 9 /o // /z yJ ^'^ /•*" ''^ '/ ''* 

Figure 14, Logical Memory : results from the Marble Statue test. 
Broken line, girls ; solid line, boys. 

Memory and Sex. — The fact that there is an improve- 
ment in the various aspects of memory with age, shows 
that retention is a function of development. Since girls 
mature faster than boys we should expect their reten- 
tivity to be better. Experiment reveals this to be the 
case. In tables 5, 6 and 7 the relative memory efh- 



118 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

ciency of boys and girls is shown for the different ages 
from eight to eighteen. The comparison is shown 
graphically in figures 13 and 14. It can be seen from 
the tables that girls are better in rote memory at every 
age except nine, in concrete rote memory. Here the 
boys excel by a hundredth of a word. While the girls, 
with this one exception, are uniformly better, the dif- 
ference is very small. The average yearly improvement 
of boys from nine to eighteen is 3.94%, while that of 
girls is 4.03%. The large gain shown for the boys in 
concrete rote memory from eight to nine is doubt- 
less spurious, due to the inaccuracy of measuring eight- 
year-old boys. 

In logical memory, as determined by using The Mar- 
ble Statue test, the girls are better at every age from 
eight to eighteen. And university women are better 
than university men. It must be said, however, that in 
tests of logical memory, the results depend upon the 
kind of material used. This may be true of rote mem- 
ory as well. In The Farmei^'s Son test used by the 
author, boys are better from eleven to fifteen. The 
author used three tests of logical memory, one called 
Willie's Dog in the lower grades, one called The Far- 
mer's Son in the upper grades, and one called Costly 
Temper in the high school. There are records for age 
13 in all three tests. In the Willie's Dog and Costly 
Temper tests girls are better at age 13, while in the 
Farmer's Son test, at the same age, boys are better. At 
age 13, the average score for boys in the three tests 
is 38.46, and for girls, 39.57. There are so many factors 
effective in learning, which have their influence on re- 
tention, that it is difficult for us to compare the reten- 
tion of girls and boys. We can say that in any given 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 119 

test one sex is better than the other, but whether it is 
better because of better retentive capacity or because 
of difference in attitude, attention, interest, or famil- 
iarity of the material, it is difficult to say. However, 
in the extensive experimental work in memory, the 
superiority of girls over boys is so general that v/e are 
warranted in concluding that they have a better re- 
tentive capacity. 

Some experimenters have reported boys as having 
better retention in certain fields of memory. Mulhall, 
for example, reports boys as having better memory for 
fonn, and cites Chamberlain as having found no sex 
difference. But both these experimenters make their 
comparisons by grade and not by age. Now, in the 
same grade the boys average older than the girls. An 
adequate sex comparison should be made by age, not 
by grade. Several writers have stated conclusions 
about sex differences, with this same error entering into 
their calculations. However, even if we are careful to 
make sex comparisons by age and -not by grade, we may 
expect to find boys superior if they are favored by 
either material or interest, i. e., if the experience of 
boys makes a certain material used in the test more 
suitable to them than to girls. It seems clear, how- 
ever, as stated above, that if we rule out the influences 
due to differences in experience and interest, the reten- 
tion of girls is better than that of boys. 

Girls have better retention than boys, but do women 
excel men ? Gates, basing his conclusion on an exami- 
nation in psychology, finds women better than men in 
both immediate and delayed recall. It is possible that 
the women had spent more time in study, and remem- 
bered better because they had learned better. In the 



120 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

author's experiments, men and women were on an 
equality as far as opportunity of learning was con- 
cerned, for in both rote and logical memory, the mate- 
rial was presented to both men and women in the same 
manner, at the same time. In concrete rote memory 
38 university men make a score of 28.5, and 61 univer- 
sity women make a score of 28.6. With abstract 
words, 40 men make ascore of 28.4, and 61 women 
make a score of 27.9. There is but little difference, the 
v/omen excelling by one-tenth of a word in the test 
with concrete words and the men excelling by five- 
tenths of a word in abstract rote memory. 

In logical memory, with The Marble Statue as mate- 
rial, 65 university men make a score of 38.3, and 86 
university women make a score of 40.1. The women 
have a superiority of 1.8 words, or 4.7%. There is 
the possibility that this story makes a stronger appeal 
to women than it does to men. The difference between 
boys and girls with this same test is nearly twice as 
great. The average score of boys from 8 to 18 is 33.3, 
while the average score for girls is 35.9, a difference of 
2.9 words, or 8.7%. The comparison of boys with girls 
is based on tests of 1215 boys and 1364 girls. 

Briefly, in summary : The retention of girls is better 
than that of boys because of their more rapid develop- 
ment. At maturity, there is no clearly demonstrated 
sex difference not due to experience, training or atti- 
tude. 

Effect of Practice.— Can we improve memory by 
practice? We are constantly having experience, and 
consequently have constant practice in retention. We 
have as much practice in retention as we do in sensa- 
tion. Sensation does not need, in ordinary cases, sp§- 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 121 

cial exercise to develop it. Will special exercise in 
memorising permanently improve the retentive capac- 
ity of the brain? James, some thirty years ago, an- 
swered this question as follows : "All improvement of 
the memory lies in the line of elaborating the asso- 
ciates of each of the several things to be remembered. 
No amount of culture would seem capable of modifijing 
a man's general retentivenes. This is a physiological 
quality, given once for all with his organization, and 
which he can never hope to change".* The great 
amount of experimental work in memory gives us no 
reason for modifying James' statement. The experi- 
ments do prove beyond doubt, however, that we can 
greatly improve our ability to memorise. In all kinds 
of material at least some improvement comes through 
practice, from the learning of nonsense syllables on the 
one hand to the learning of the logical material of a 
book on the other. But that this improvement is in 
any sense due to an improvement of the retentiv- 
ity of the brain it would be difficult to prove. 

Winch using consonants as material, presenting them 
visually and later in another experiment, auditorially, 
found an improvement in ability to memorise, due to 
practice. Bolton using digits as material, also found 
improvement from practice. Miiller and Schumann 
found an imiprovement in ability to memorise nonsense 
syllables. The author found a large miprovement m 
ability to learn the substance of a text book in sociology. 
The experiment was conducted as follows: About a 
page of material was read to the subject, who then re- 
peated all the ideas he could recall. The selection was 
then read again, and the ideas reported. This pro- 



*James, Priuciplos of psychology, Vol. I, p. 003. 



122 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



eedure was continued til] the subject could report all 
the ideas of the selection. After three months of prac- 
tice, the subject could memorise in fifteen minutes an 
amount of material that required an hour at the begin- 
ning of the experiment. The improvement doubtless 
depended upon an improvement in methods of getting 
and organising the facts, and in an increased famil- 
iarity with the matter discussed in the book used as 
material. Improvement in memorising comes with so 
httle practice and in so short a time that it is absurd 
to believe that the retentivity of the brain could be 
affected. 

However, we must not forget that v/e can tremen- 
dously improve our ability to fix our experience so that 
it will be retained. We can become immensely better 
at remembering not because we have changed the brain 
so that it retains simple impressions better than before ; 
through better attention, better and more repetition, 
better and more associations, we so organise our ex- 
perience that it is much more lasting than if got with 
poorer methods. Poor retention is usually due to poor 
attention, lack of repetition, poor organisation. We can 
improve retention by improving these factors. The pos- 
sibility of improvement in m.emorising is much greater 
in logical material, connected ideas, than it is with dis- 
crete material, as letters, words, nonsense material, be- 
cause of the greater possibility of organisation on the 
asis of meaning. 

Pelation of Learning to Retention. — Our question 
b^re simply stated is, whether facility in learning and 
facility in retention are positively or negatively related. 
Do quick learners retain well and poor learners retain 
poorly, or is the reverse the truth? In general, the 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 123 

results of the experiments are in accord. The work of 
Miiller and Schumann, Ogden, Henderson, Norsworthy, 
Lyon and the author leads to one conclusion : in general, 
the fast learner is also good in retention. This is espe- 
cially true with logical material, such as prose and 
poetry. The experimenters used all kinds of material, 
nonsense syllables, words, digits, and selections in prose 
and verse. We give some typical results. 

In the author's experiments, each subject learned the 
ideas in 21 separate segments of prose material. The 
segments were of equal length, each containing 40 
ideas. The procedure v/as to read the matter to the 
subject till all the ideas could be reproduced. The num- 
ber of readings was taken as the score. Twenty-four 
hours later a written reproduction was required, and 
the number of ideas correctly reproduced was taken 
as the score. The results were as follows: 

TABLE 8. 

Number of Average Ideas Average 

Subjects. Repetitions. Deviation. Retained. Deviation 

C 4.7 2.24 37.5 2.0 

F 2.9 0.78 38.5 1.7 

K 5.2 1.40 34.2 4.6 

J 3.6 1.90 36.7 3.2 

The quickest learner is F, the slowest is K. Sub- 
ject F requires only 55.7% as many repetitions as K, 
but retains 11% more ideas. It will be noticed that 
there is less difference in retention as measured by the 
absolute amount that could be reproduced than there 
is in learning. There is general agreement among all 
experimenters on this point. 

Norsworthy found that the students who learned the 
greatest number of words in a German-English vocabu- 
lary, in a given time, retained the largest percentage of 
what had been learned. The most extensive work on 



124 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

this problem was done by Lyon. He used three dif- 
ferent methods of testing retention. (1) The first was 
by the absokite amount retained. (2) The second was 
by the amount reproduced after hearing the material 
read once again. (3) The third was by the amount of 
time taken to relearn the material. Using method 1 
as the criterion of retention, we find the fast learners 
are the best in retention in all forms of mateiial used, 
poetry, prose, nonsense syllables, words, and digits. 
Using method 2 as our criterion, v/e find the fast learn- 
ers the best in retention except in the case of digits. 
But by using method 3 as our test of retention, we find 
the fast learners the best in retention in the case of 
logical material, prose and poetry, only. By all the 
tests of retention, the fast learners show up the poor- 
est in retention in the case of the digits. The greatest 
variability in learning time was shown in the case of 
digits. Commenting on his results, Lyon says: 'Tak- 
ing all three methods into consideration, we are en- 
titled to say that with material that is logical in char- 
acter, those ivho learn quickly remember the longest. 
With digits, however, we find the conditions, so far as 
method 3 is concerned, reversed, for here it is the 
quick learners who seem to forget the most. One 
might make the inference that those who learn slowly 
remember long, if the material used is such as involves 
motor associations, but that they forget quickly if the 
material is logical in character." Lyon found that, as 
far as method 3 was concerned, nonsense syllables gave 
the same sort of results as prose material, and that 
words gave the same sort of results as digits. For this 
apparently strange result, Lyon has "no satisfactory 
explanation to offer." 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 125 

An experiment performed in the author's laboratory 
confirms the results given above. The material used 
was nonsense syllables, 25 in a series. The procedure 
was to learn the series at one sitting, by repeating the 
syllables to the stroke of a metronome, then relearning 
them on the second and succeeding days until they could 
be said from memory twenty-four hours after the last 
learning. The number of repetitions required to leam 
the syllables the first time is called the learning time. 
The total number of repetitions at the different sit- 
tings is called the total learning time. The ratio is 
found by dividing the total learning time by the first 
learning time. As a rule, those who are quick in first 
learning are quick also in relearning. 

TABLE 9. 
NONSENSE SYLLABLES. 
Learning" Time, Total Learning 
Subject. No. Repetitions. Time. Ratio. 

Wi 123 150 1.2 

Th 121 129 1.08 

We 118 - 147 1.2 

Sw 99 136 1.4 . 

Sn 72 85 1.2 

B 59 70 1.2 

Average 96 117 1.2 

Another experiment somewhat similar gives results 
in harmony with those given above. The author gave 
a logical memory test to about 2000 school children in 
grades three to eight. Whipple's Marble Statue was 
read to the pupils and an immediate reproduction re- 
quired. One month later a second reproduction was 
called for. Standing in the immediate memory test was 
correlated with standing in the retention test taken one 
month later, the correlation being computed by grades. 
The correlations by the Pearson formula ranged from 
.50 to .80. 



126 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

The evidence seems conclusive that quick learning 
and good retention are positively related. However, 
the relation is not simple and there are many things 
that must be taken into consideration. If slow learning 
is due not to poor learning capacity but to caution and 
care in learning, then slow learning will be coupled 
with good retention. On the other hand, if the quick 
learning is at the same time poor learning, it will be 
coupled with poor retention. The factors that make a 
person a good learner are the factors that will make 
him good at retention, a high degree of attention and 
concentration, quick and accurate apprehension, quick 
grasp of meaning and significance, organisation of ma- 
terial through schemes of meaning and association. 
The reason that a quick learner often seems to remem- 
ber poorly is because he is content with j)oor learning, 
and especially because he does not take advantage of 
the value that comes from repetition. In comparing 
the retention of different individuals we should always 
take into consideration the quality and method of 
learning. It is worth noting that in Lyon's extensive 
experiments, he found not a single case of a consistently 
good learner who was consistently poor at retention. 
There is little doubt that Lyon would have found still 
stronger evidence of the positive relationship of learn- 
ing and remembering if he had used a different criterion 
of learning. Some of his subjects doubtless had the 
material better learned than others. 

Memory Material. — Memory of objects or pictures of 
objects serially presented is better than memory for 
the names of objects either seen or heard. Typical re- 
sults are those of Calkins shown in the following table. 
The delayed recall is for results three (?) days after 
the first presentation. 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 127 

TABLE 10. 

Words Words Pictures of 

Heard. Seen. Objects. 

Immediate 84.2 89.8 93.5 

Delayed 34.9 48.2 74.5 

Ratios Imme 1 1.066 1.110 

Ratios Del 1 1.208 2.135 

It will be seen that the pictures of objects are re- 
membered much better than the names of objects either 
seen or heard, and that in delayed memory more than 
twice as many pictures of objects are recalled than 
names of objects heard. Patterson compared memory 
for objects seen with memory for words seen and words 
heard. The results for immediate memory were : words 
heard, 6.85; words seen, 6.92; objects seen, 8.28. The 
ratio of objects seen to words heard is 1.209 to 1. By 
comparison with the table above it is seen that objects 
are remembered somewhat better than pictures of ob- 
jects. 

The educational inferences to be made from these 
facts are obvious. Visual illustrations by means of 
drawings or pictures will be helpful, and demonstra- 
tions by means of the actual objects will be of the high- 
est value. 

As for other types of material: digits are remem- 
bered better than consonants ; meaningful words better 
than meaningless words; related words better than 
nonrelated words; material that submits itself to 
grouping better than that which does not ; lists of con- 
crete words better than lists of abstract words. In the 
author's study of the rote memories of 2654 boys and 
2744 girls, it was found tliat the boys remembered 7.3% 
more concrete words than abstract words, while the 
girls remembered 5.7% more. 

Manner of Presentation. — The effect on memory of 
the form and manner of presenting the material for 



128 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

leaning has not been determined beyond doubt. We 
shall not, therefore, go into a detailed discussion of the 
numerous experiments. A very general statement will 
suffice. On the one hand we find Meumann, Miinster- 
berg and Bigham, Pohlmann, Smedley, and others 
claiming on the basis of their experiments that visual 
presentation is better in the case of children, especially 
with meaningless material. On the other hand, Kem- 
sies, Hawkins, Von Sybyl, and Henmon find auditory 
presentation better. 

There are evidently many factors entering into the 
problem, particularly the kind of material and the age 
of the subjects, as well as the habits and training of the 
subjects, possibly also their ideational type. For ex- 
ample, Pohlmann and others find auditory presentation 
best for significant material, and visual best for mean- 
ingless material. Henmon found the auditory presen- 
tation best for nouns, nonsense syllables, and numbers. 
But his subjects were six adults. He did not experi- 
ment with children. 

Several experimenters find that memory is better if 
the material is presented to both vision and audition. 
Others find little or no advantage by such presentation. 
Some have reported that if the subject is allowed to 
articulate the learning material in addition to hearing 
and seeing it, memory is better. Others report no nH- 
vantage. 

Unfortunately, although the question of the most 
favorable method of presenting material to different 
ages of pupils and for different kinds of material is an 
important one for education, it awaits the solution of 
a future experimenter. The solution can come only 
from a careful consideration and isolation of all thp 
factors involved. 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 129 

Length of Series. — What is the relation of memory 
to the amomit learned at one time? Strong's studies of 
advertising showed the importance of the length of 
series, i. e., of the number of impressions at one time. 
He found that if only five advertisements were shown 
at one time, the subject could recognise 86% of them 
immediately afterward, while if 150 were shown, only 
47% could be recognized immediately afterward. The 
per cent, of correct recognitions decreased as the length 
of the series increased. In Strong's experiments v/e 
have evidence of the relation of retentiveness to the 
number of impressions; in the earlier experiments of 
Ebbinghaus, we have evidence of the relation of the 
time of memorising to the amount to be memorised. 
Ebbinghaus could memorise a series of seven syllables 
in one repetition, but a series of tv/elve syllables re- 
quired on the average 16.6 repetitions. Series of 16, 
24, and 36 syllables required respectively 30, 44 and 55 
repetitions. While 12 syllables Vv^ere learned in a little 
over 16 repetitions, a series of 24, or twice as many, 
required not 33 repetitions, but 44 repetitions. As the 
length of series is lengthened beyond one's memory 
span, the learning time is enormously increased at 
first, then more slowly. The results from the experi- 
ments of Ebbinghaus and Strong are shown in tables 
11 and 12. 

TABLE 11. 

SHOWING THE RELATION OF THE NUMBER OF ADVERTISEMENTS 
SEEN TO THE NUMBER THAT COULD BE RECOGNISED IMMEDI- 
ATELY AFTERWARD. THE FIRST HORIZONTAL COLUMN SHOWS 
THE NUMBER OF ADVERTISEMENTS SEEN, AND THE SECOND 
ROW SHOWS THE PER CENT. THAT COULD BE RECOGNISED IM- 
MEDIATELY AFTERWARD. (STRONG.) 

No. seen 5 10 25 50 100 150 

Per cent, recognised 86 85 78 67 63 47 



180 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

TABLE 12. 

SHOWING THE RELATION OF THE LENGTH OF A SERIES OF NON- 
SENSE SYLLABLES TO THE NUMBER OF REPETITIONS REQUIRED 
TO LEARN THEM. THE UPPER HORIZONTAL COLUMN SHOWS 
THE NUMBER OF SYLLABLES IN THE SERIES AND THE LOWER 
COLUMN SHOV/S THE NUMBER OF REPETITIONS REQUIRED TO 
COMMIT THEM TO MEMORY. (EBBINGHAUS.) 

No. syllables 7 12 16 24 36 

No. repetitions 1 16.6 30 44 55 

Several other psychologists have repeated the experi- 
ments of Ebbinghaus, and have also used other mate- 
rial, — digits, prose, and poetry. The experimenters 
were Binet and Henri, Meumann, Henmon, and more 
recently, Lyon. In Table 13 are shown the results of 
some of their work in parallel columns for comparison. 
Lyon's results are shown in Tables 14, 15 and 16. Lyon 
used two methods of learning. One he calls the ''con- 
tinuous" method, and the other, the ''once-a-day" 
method. In the former, all the learning was done at 
one sitting. In the latter, the learning was done at the 
rate of one reading a day. The results show the latter 
much the better way to learn, especially in the case of 
non-meaningful material. 

A careful study of all the tables shows that the diffi- 
culty of learning increases when the length of the ma- 
terial is increased. How much does it increase? If 
the increasing difficulty is in proportion to the increase 
in length, then the number of repetitions will remain 
constant, and the time will increase as the length. This 
is not the case. There is a general increase in the num- 
ber of repetitions, showing that the difficulty increases 
more than the length increases. On the other hand, 
the number of repetitions does not increase in propor- 
tion to the increase in length. The increase in number 
of repetitions is greater than the increase in length at 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 131 

first and then much less when the learning is done at 
the rate of one reading a day. When the learning was 
all done at one sitting the added length increased the 
difficulty more than when the learning was spread out. 
In Table 15 it is seen that 8 syllables require two repe- 
titions. Sixteen syllables require not four repetitions, 
but 23. On the other hand, 32 syllables require not 46 
repetitions, but only 24. 

The results in the tables show some irregularities and 
discrepancies due to individual differences, differences 
in material and in some cases to difference in method. 
All the results agree in showing that increasing length 
of material increases the difficulty of learning. They 
disagree as to what the law of this increase is. 

The educational importance of the facts shov/n by 
these experiments is very great. From the point of 
view of the economy of learning and memory, the num- 
ber of impressions received at one time should be few. 
If in a lecture, for example, too many ideas are pre- 

TABLE 13. 

COMPARATIVE TABLE SHOWING THE RESULTS OF SEVERAL INVES- 
TIGATORS ON THE TIME REQUIRED TO LEARN SERIES OT^ 
SYLLABLES OF DIFFERENT LENGTHS. 
MATERIAL USED— NONSENSE SYLLABLES. 
METHOD— SYLLABLES ALL LEARNED AT ONE SITTING. 

Number of 

Meumann. 



Syllables. 


Ebbinghaus. 


8 




1* 


10 






12 




17 


14 






16 




30 


18 






20 „ 






24 




44 


30 






32 






36 




55 


48 






72 






♦Ebbinghaus 


use<l 


7 syllables 



10 



17 
21 

80 
33 



nmon. 


Lyon. 




5 


7 




8 


69 


8 




9 


83 


11 




14 




13 


94 


20 





103 

120 
306 



132 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



sen ted to the students, the results are confusion in 
memory and poor retention. At any one time, a teacher 
should present to his pupils only a feio facts. These 
should be illustrated, elaborated, related, organised, 

TABLE 14 (FROM LYON). 

SHOWING THE NUMBER OF READINGS REQUIRED TO MEMORISE 

SELECTIONS OF VARIOUS LENGTHS. 

PROSE. POETRY. 

No. of No. of Repe- Time, No. of No. of Repe- Time, 

Words. tltions. Min. Stanzas. titions. Min. 

15 1 3/40 1 1 Vs 

20 1 1/10 2 3 % 

25 1 % 4 7 3 

50 9 214 5 8 5 

100 23 9 6 12 8 

200 24 24 8 11 10 

400 28 56 10 18 21 

800 34 136 12 16 23 

1000 33 105 18 22 46 

1500 40 300 21 24 60 

2000 35 350 25 20 58 

3000 52 780 35 24 98 

4000 38 760 40 22 103 

5000 65 1625 50 25 146 

7000 59 2065 75 30 262 

10000. 84 4200 100 33 385 

15000 73 5475 

TABLE 15 (FROM LYON). 

SHOWING THE RELATION OF THE LENGTH OF SERIES OF NON- 
SENSE SYLLABLES AND OF DIGITS TO THE TIME REQUIRED TO 
LEARN THEM, WHEN THE LEARNING WAS DONE AT THE RATE OF 
ONE READING A DAY. THE LAST COLUMN GIVES THE NUMBER OF 
REPETITIONS AS THY WOULD BE IF THE NUMBER INCREASED IN 
PROPORTION TO THE NUMBER OF SYLLABLES. 

No. No. Repe- No. No. Repe- 

Digits. titions. Syllables. titions. 

^ 8 1 8 2 2 

12 5 12 15 3 

16 14 16 23 4 

24 18 24 .25 6 

32 25 32 24 8 

48 24 48 35 12 

72„ 35 72 43 18 

104 41 104 43 26 

200 51 200 56 50 

400 70 300 78 75 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 



133 



TABLE 16. (FROM LYON.) 

SHOWING THE RELATION OF THE LENGTH OF SERIES OF NON- 
SENSE SYLLABLES AND DIGITS TO THE TIME REQUIRED TO LEARN 
THEltl. WHEN THE LEARNING WAS DONE ALL AT ONE SITTING. 

No. Time, No. Time, 

Dig-its. Min. Syllables. Min. 

8 1/12 8 14 

12 :... 14 12 6 

16 2 16 9 

24 5 24 16 

32 10 32 28 

48 18 48 43 

72 24 72 138 

104 - 56 

200 154 

Forgetting. — As soon as we learn we begin to forget. 
It is well to know the rate of this forgetting, its prog- 
ress for different materials, and the laws that seem to 
control it. The experimental work of chief importance 
here is that of Ebbinghaus, Radossawljewitsch, and 



r^is 



Figure 15. The solid liue is a logarithmic curve. The broken line 
is a forgetting cui-ve constructed from the actual data. 

Finkenbinder. The results of these three investigators 
are shown in table 17. The differences in the results 
from the three sources are due to differences in 
method, — differences in method of presentation of the 



134 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



material and differences in determining when learning 
was completed. The work of Finkenbinder was thp 
more accurate. A study of the table and the graphs 
shows that forgetting, in the case of nonsense material, 
is very fast at first and then slower. The fourth col- 
umn in the table gives the figures for a theoretical 
logarithmic cui*ve, which the cuiTe for the nonsense 
syllables as sho\vn in column one approximates. Such 
a curve is shown in Fig. 15, also an actual curve con- 
structed from the data in column 2. 



TABLE 17. 

AMOUNT FORGOTTEN AFTER LAPSE OF DIFFERENT INTERVALS OF 
TIME. (AFTER FINKENBINDER.) 

Finken- Radossawljevv- Ebbing- 

binder. itsch. haus. 



Interval 



Nonsense Syllables. 



Av. 



of Time. 

120 days 

minutes 

minutes 

minutes 25.0 

hour 27.2 

hours 30.6 

4 hours 33.6 

8 hours 34.5 

12 hours 36.2 

16 hours 37.0 

24 houi-s 42.2 



5 

20 

30 

1 

2 



hours 41.2 



days.. 
days, 
days 
days, 
days- 
days.. 

14 days.. 

21 days.. 

30 days. 



44.5 
47.9 



RE. 



1.3 
.6 
1.8 
1.7 
1.4 
1.4 
.9 
1.8 
1.9 
1.8 
1.7 



10 Log. 
62.3 
16.9 
23.0 
24.7 
27.7 
30.7 
33.8 
36.8 
38.5 
39.8 
41.5 
43.3 
44.5 
46.3 
47.6 
48.6 
49.3 
50.0 
53.0 
54.8 
56.3 



N. S. 
Av. 
97.2 
2.5 
11.4 



29.3 



52.6 



31.1 
39^1 

50.7 



59.0 

62.2 
79.8 



Mean 

Av. 



3.9 

2:L7 



41.9 



20. 



33.2 
43.5 
45.5 
43.5 
57.6 
50.0 
70.0 
52.4 
76.1 



Av 

41.8 
55^S 

6472 

12^ 



74.6 



78.9 



Bean finds five factors which contribute to an ex- 
planation of the cui"ve of forgetting. 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 135 

(1) The rate of forgetting depends on the degree to 
which the material had been learned before the com- 
mencement of the period of forgetting. Overleaming 
makes forgetting slower. 

(2) The rate of forgetting depends on the fnethod 
of learning, i. e., on such matters as the concentration 
and distribution of practice. Distributing learning 
makes forgetting slower; concentrating learning makes 
forgetting faster. 

(3) The rate of forgetting varies with the kind of 
performance in habit-foiTnation, or the kind of material 
in ideational learning. Significant material, for exam- 
ple, is forgotten more slowly than meaningless material. 

(4) The rate of forgetting varies with the method 
by which forgetting is measured. Bean thinks forget- 
ting is faster if measured by the reproduction method, 
slower if measured by the releaming method. 

(5) The rate of forgetting varies with different indi- 
viduals. 

To these factors should be added two others. First, 
the rate of forgetting varies with the amount learned 
at one time. If a small amount is learned, forgetting 
is relatively rapid at first. If a large amount is learned 
at once, forgetting is slower at first. This fact is a 
corollary of (2) above, for learning a large amount 
makes necessary spreading out learning. If twenty- 
four syllables are learned at one time, the learning is 
spread out over much more time than if only twelve 
syllables are learned. Second, fast learners, with other 
factors equal, are slow forgetters. 

The main facts of the psychology of forgetting, 
briefly summarised, are as follows: If the material 
learned is new material, the ratio of what is retained 



136 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

to what is forgotten varies inversely as the logarithm 
of the time. This is the conclusion to which Ebbing- 
haus came, and nothing that has since been discovered 
gives any cause to modify the statement. The rate of 
forgetting is different with different m.aterials, differ- 
ent methods, and for different individuals, but it is 
always very fast at first, then slov/er and slower. 
In Ebbinghaus' experiments, more than one-third of 
the syllables were forgotten in the first twenty min- 
utes; more than one-half in one hour; nearly two- 
thirds in nine hours ; more than two-thirds in 24 hours. 
In the experiments of Radossawljewitsch with mean- 
ingful material, one-third was forgotten within two 
days, while one-third of meaningless material was for- 
gotten in one day ; one-half of meaningful material was 
forgotten in 7 days, v/hile one-half of meaningless ma- 
terial was forgotten in 6 days. In 30 days three-fourths 
of the meaningful material was forgotten and four- 
fifths of the meaningless material. 

Meaningful material is not forgotten as quickly as 
meaningless material, because it is not new material, 
and the learning of it has been going on perhaps for 
years, in some cases, all our lives. The learning of 
meaningful material means merely the re-arrangement 
of what we already know\ If we undertake to commit 
to memory Evangeline, we read: 'This is the forest 
primeval, the murmuring pines and the hemlocks," etc. 
Neither the v/ords nor the thought is new. This fact 
makes the learning of meaningful material a wholly 
different matter from the learning of meaningless ma- 
terial. 

Retention Over Long Periods. — The longest interval 
shov^Ti in Table 17 is 120 days. We have now to enouire 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 



137 



concerning the effect on retention of a much longer 
interval. We shall consider only the work of Book 
and Swift. The former tested the retention of type- 
writing skill after a lapse of about six months and of 
a year and six months. The original practice had cov- 



li.OC 










































J^ 










































































I 
































































































i~06 








'-^v'^' 











Figure 1G. Typewriting Graph from Book. The graph from 
the left up to A shows the results of the 60 days practice. At A 
is shown "the result of the final ten-minute practices for the last 
ten days of the experiment. B shows the efficiency reached by ten 
days of practice six months later. C shows the efficiency reached 
by ten days of practice a year and six months later. 

end a period of 60 days, an hour a day. Practice 
cejRpd on January 16, 1906. On June 1, a test began 
and r/>ntinued ten minutes a day for ten days. On June 
1, 1907, a second test of ten minutes a day for ten days 
wa:5 begun. The results are shown in Table 18 and also 
in Fig. 16. 



138 THE PSYCHOLOGY OP LEARNING ' 

TABLE 18. 
RETENTION OF TYPEWRITING SKILL (BOOK). 

Last regular 

parctice, 

Jan. 7-16, 

1906 1503 1509 1404 1572 1494 1436 1501 1455 1508 1698 1508 

1st memory 

test, June 

1-10, 1906 1365 1421 1421 1433 1529 1443 1523 1504 1313 1472 1443 
2nd memory 

test, June 

1-10, 1907 1390 1344 1345 1537 1681 1694 1634 1845 1761 1850 1611 

In the regular practice there had been 50 minutes of 
practice and a ten-minute test each day. In Fig. 16 
are shown the learning curves for these ten-minute 
tests for the last ten days of practice, also for the ten 
ten-minute tests made on ten successive days about six 
months, and a year and six months later. The striking 
thing about this experiment is the quickness with which 
the skill was regained. Although nearly a year and a 
half had passed since the regular practice ceased, in ten 
minutes daily practice for ten days the skill was re- 
gained, and an average of 1611 words was made as 
against an average of 1508 made on the last ten days 
of practice. 

Swift's experiments were with ball-tossing. The 
practice was finished on Dec. 11, 1902. Memory tests 
were made in 1903 and 1904, and again Dec. 28, 1908, 
six years and 17 days after practice had ceased. The 
original practice had covered 42 days. In the relearn- 
ing test, covering 11 days, the original speed was re- 
gained and exceeded. A score of 1600 was made as 
against a score of 1051 in the earlier work. Swift re- 
ports that the work was done in the last test "with 
greater skill, greater ease." 

Swift thinks that such experiments as these pix)ve 
that learning is to some extent a grov/th, that learning 
goes on after practice has ceased. Book, on the other 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 139 

hand, thinks the facts can be explained by the disap- 
pearance of interfering associations. There is no ques- 
tion in either experiment that forgetting had taken 
place. When Book sat down for his first memory test, 
he had fbrgotten the key board, but he quickly re- 
learned ivhat he had forgotten. The fact seems to be 
that v/hen learning is carried to a high degree of per- 
fection, when it has required a large number of repe- 
titions, it persists with great tenacity. It may be that 
the associative connections begin to lose strength at 
once, but tfiey can be easily re-established and restored 
to their former strength. 

Hill found that three years after learning mirror 
writing, skill was nearly as good as at the start and 
very soon regained. In three or four days of practice 
the skill originally acquired in 48 days of practice was 
regained. The author has also noted the peculiar per- 
sistence of the ability to do mirror writing once it has 
been mastered. Most people can learn to do mirror writ- 
ing in an hour, try it no more for a year, and then find 
themselves able to do it. 

Perhaps a related fact was that found by Downey 
and Anderson that there is "considerable retention of 
capacity to maintain two processes (reading and writ- 
ing) after lapse of practice for more than tv/o years, 
with a rapid releaming and approximation of one's last 
record." However, in both these cases, it is not so 
much a matter of having established a number of 
bonds, as having acquired a principle of procedure or 
attitude, or perhaps a method, a new way of taking the 
world. We learn this and get considerable practice in 
an hour or two, the results of which persist for a long 
time, but perhaps no longer than would a new idea that 
had a similar amount of repetition. 



140 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Thomdike holds the opinion that associative bonds 
of the neuromuscular kind probably are better retained 
than bonds that are foimed in ideational learning-, and 
that the explanation is to be found in the fact that the 
bonds connecting ideas have their basis in the later de- 
veloped, more instable parts of the brain. Such may 
be the case, but it is not at all sure. There are on an 
Under^^ood typewriter 46 keys. Book practiced strik- 
ing these 46 keys for 60 daj^s, an hour a day. For the 
last ten days of practice this gave an average of about 
270 strokes for each key. In the 60 days of practice, 
each key was struck many thousands of times. In 
Sv/ift's experiments the muscular movements involved 
in keeping two balls in the air were few. These muscu- 
lar movements were repeated many thousands of times 
in the 42 days of practice. Owing to the immens<3 
amount of repetition in both of these experiments, it 
is no wonder that the bonds persisted. If we should 
practice as much in the case of ideational learning, who 
knows but that the associative bonds would be fully as 
tenacious? Suppose we should take a poem involving; 
46 words or 46 ideas and practice saying it for 60 days, 
and then after a year and a half releam it, the results 
might be much similar to those of the experiments 
mentioned above. The reason why we seem to forget, 
in the case of ideas, faster than is the case in neuro- 
muscular learning, is more probably because in the case 
of ideational learning practice in fixing bonds is insig- 
nificant in amount when compared to practice in the 
case of motor learning. We study a lesson once, or at 
most, a few times. We hear a lecture once. Perhaps 
the facts of the lecture are reviewed ? time or two. We 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 141 

could not expect the fixation in such learning to com- 
pare favorably v/ith motor learning involving hundreds, 
perhaps thousands of repetitions. 

The facts available do not enable us to settle the 
matter of the relative persistence of ideational learn- 
ing as compared to motor learning. But the facts do 
enable us to say that the strength of ideational bonds 
could be much increased by more repetition. 

The results of motor learning suggest that great im- 
provement is possible in ideational learning. This im- 
provement is in the direction of association, organiza- 
tion, repetition. Some people seem to have the idea 
that if a thing is well learned once, it is learned for all 
time. Such is not the case. The only way known to 
fix and perpetuate a neural bond of any kind is by repe- 
tition. It makes no difference whether the bond is one 
connecting ideas, or stimulus and response, the facts 
are the same. Poems and songs that are learned in 
childhood through countless repetitions persist through 
life, or at least can be quickly and readily relearned. 
The tables which we learn in childhood by countless 
repetitions also persist in our minds. In all cases of 
ideational learning involving a great num!)er of repeti- 
tions, retention is good over long periods of time. 

Relation of Memory to Intelligence. — The relation of 
memory to intelligence has been determined in various 
ways: (1) Many investigators have compared pupils* 
standing in logical merr>ory tests with their standing in 
school studies. The relation is found to be positive, 
those having good retention standing well in their 
studies, and those having poor retention standing low 
in their studies. The relation is not absolute, of course, 



3 42 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

but high and positive. The author has found the cor- 
relation to be as high as .76 in the upper grades. 

(2) Standing in logical memory tests has been cor- 
related v/ith other mental tests. The author has ob- 
tained the following correlations : 

TABLE 19. 

CORRELATION OF LOGICAL MEMORY TEST WITH SIX OTHER 

MENTAL TESTS. 

With r. P. E. 

Rote memory .44 .049 

Substitution 26 .026 

Opposites 77 .033 

Free Association 41 .069 

Word building 53 .059 

Completion 77 .034 

Average of six 64 .049 

It is evident from the table of correlations that log- 
ical memory has a high positive relation to other aspects 
of intelligence, giving the highest correlation with 
completion, the best single measure of intelligence so 
far devised. 

(3) If all the children of the same age in any school 
system are compared with reference to their logical 
memory, those having the better memory are found in 
the higher grades as shown in Fig. 17. 

All psychologists v/ho have seriously investigated the 
relation of memory to intelligence have found the facts 
as stated above. For example, Lyon, after years of 
experimental study of memory, says:i "The students 
who stand highest in their various studies, and who 
prove upon examination to be the most intelligent, have, 
as a rule, the best memories. They not only learn more 
quickly, but they retain better." Winch in his exten- 
sive studies of the memories of London school children, 
came to the same conclusion, as have Bolton, Bourdon, 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 



143 



Ji 










' 


34 






/y/7 




/ 


// 










""^ 


SC 












28 




. 








Zi 


^ 


^ 








t4 






GjeADi- 






i 


T 


jT 




j&- 


:^ir 



Figure 17. The graph shows the logical memory efficiency of twelve 
year old children in the fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh grades. 



144 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Pohlmann, and many others. It is interesting to note 
here that Winch also found a positive correlation be- 
tween ability to memorise stories and the ability to in- 
vent stories, the correlation being higher with the more 
intelligent. 

When we say memory has a high relation to intelli- 
gence, we mean particularly logical memory. People 
of low intelligence may have good rote memories, may 
remember well discrete material, but only the intelli- 
gent have good memory for logical material. The 
unintelligent have no comprehension of significance. 
Such comprehension is necessary in logical memory. 
Some teachers have the mistaken notion that a good 
memory is to be deplored, that children should under- 
stand rather than menfiorise, that children should 
reason things out. But one cannot reason unless one 
remembers the facts of experience. Remembered ideas 
are the raw material of thought. Other things equal, 
the one who remembers best can reason best. Of 
course, remembering things without knowing their sig- 
nificance is of little value, but we must remember if 
we are to know their significance. 

Individual Differences in Retentiveness.— Individual 
differences in the various aspects of memory are very 
great. The author once determined the logical memory 
of 100 high school students and found the best memory 
to be four times as good as the poorest. The distribu- 
tion of 1032 university students is shov/n in Fig. 18. 
The test on which the graphs of the figure are based is 
the Marble Statue. The records, as represented on the 
horizontal axis of the figure, are for the number of 
ideas correctly reproduced after hearing the story read. 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 



145 



The number of students represented is 516 men and the 
same number of women. 

The range of ability in rote memory is not quite so 
great as shown in Fig. 19. The graphs are based on 
measures of 419 university men and an equal number 
of women. 

The differences in retentive capacity are thus seen 
to be very great. It is of very great consequence to a 
teacher to know that in an ordinary class retentive 







T"\ 








rii^ /s 


'■■'' / 


V 


\ 


\ 




/ 


/ 




\ 


\ 




// 


/ 






\\ 




^^■^ 








\/K 


N,. 



Figure 18. Frequency Surfaces showiug the distribution of 516 
university men and the same number of women in logical memory 
efficiency ; solid line women, broken line men. 

capacity may be two or three or even four times as 
good in the best pupil as it is in the poorest pupil. 

Different Aspects of Memory.— We have treated re- 
tention as if it were a definite characteristic of the 
nervous system. It probably is, but when we under- 



146 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



A 



r.f. 



Figure 19. Frequency Surfaces showing the distribution of 419 
university men and the same number of women in rote memory 
efficiency. 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 147 

take to measure it, we have to use some paiticular kind 
of impression, some particular stimulus, some definite 
kind of material. It turns out that we get different 
results from different kinds of material. We can not 
therefore treat memory as if it were a definite, unitary 
function. We must always speak of memory for this 
or that kind of material, presented in such and such 
manner, and tested in such and such way. It is prob- 
ably true that our nervous systems have very definite 
capacities for retention, different for different people, 
but our various interests, and attentions, and preju- 
dices, our various experiences with their different con- 
sequences, bring it about that different things make 
very different appeals to us. As a result, our retention 
of one type of impression may be very different from 
our retention of another. If a group of people are 
measured to ascertain their retention of various types 
of material, such as numbers, letters, objects, words, 
sentences, or the ideas of some selection of prose or 
poetry, it is found that their relative standing is not 
the same. Indeed, their retention of several different 
selections of meaningful material will vary. The author 
has tv/ice computed the intercorrelation betv/een the 
various pairs of measures for four different logical 
memory tests. In the first experiment, the intercor- 
relations were .379, .524, .555, .556, .568, .590. The 
average of these correlations is .5287, and the average 
P. E. is .089. In the second experiment, the correla- 
tions were .545, .559, .550, .518, .617, .476. The average 
is .5441, and the average P. E. is .074. For raw cor- 
relations in any sort of mental tests, these are high, and 
we may conclude that the relative ranks of individuals 
in logical memory tests will be about the same unless 



148 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

some are specifically favored by the type of material. 
Thomdike found the correlation between memory for 
words and m.emory for numbers to be .45, and the cor- 
relation between immediate memory for words and de- 
layed meniory — 24 hours later — ^to be .55. 

So called rote memory is of considerable importance 
in early education, and of some importance throughout 
life. Rote memory has a positive correlation with 
logical memory but it is not very high. The average 
raw correlation is .355. The true correlation being 
about .53. 

There are two definitely different aspects of mem- 
ory. One v/e may call retention; the other, organisa- 
tion. By retention, we mean the after-effects of ner- 
vous excitation, the persistence in the brain of the 
effects of neural activity. By organisation, we mean 
the associative connections between the separate im- 
pressions. These associative connections are the basis 
of recall. For the practical pui-poses of life, not only 
must impressions be retained, but v/e must be able to 
recall them. The significant thing for life is therefore 
logical memory, and it depends on more than mere 
retention. It depends on organisation, on meaning. Our 
ability to organise our experience in helpful ways de- 
pends on our capa^city to see the significance of experi- 
ence, and this is something entirely apart from reten- 
tion. Indeed, our simple retention may be good v/hile 
we entirely lack the power of organisation. Organisa- 
tion can not exist without retention, but we can have a 
high degree of retentive capacity and lack the power 
of organization. A low type of mind may have an ex- 
perience as rich as that of a Newton, and retain that 
experience as well, but lacking the power of organisa- 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 149 

tion, the person uses this experience to no advantage 
because there are no helpful, meaningful associations 
in it. 

Immediate and Delayed Memory. — The problem here 
is virtually the same as that discussed above under the 
head of relation of learning to retention, for the imme- 
diate memory span is taken as the measure of quickness 
of learning. We shall cite here no further evidence of 
the relationship, but merely recall that it was said that 
the quick learner is in general good in retention also. 
We may here put the matter in a somewhat different 
way. Suppose we present a given amount of matter 
to a group of people and find what amount of the matter 
they can immediately reproduce, then a day later, or a 
month later, we ascertain hov/ much of the matter is 
still retained, v/e find in general that those who had 
the most facts immediately after the presentation still 
have the most facts. In any particular experiment, the 
relation will not be found perfect and absolute, because 
it is impossible to keep the conditions equal. The mat- 
ter will come back to the minds of some and be repeated 
more than will be the case v/ith others. Their retention 
Vv^ill consequently be better relatively. 

Measurements of Retention. — ^There are three main 
miothods of measuring retention. (1) The reproduction 
Tfiethod. By this method, we determine the amount of 
material previously learned that can be recalled. This 
is the most widely used method of measuring retention, 
and it is the test which the practical affairs of life put 
upon us, for no matter how easily we could relearn the 
material, no matter how much of it is just below the 
conscious level, if we can not recall it, it is not imme- 
diately available, and does us no more good for the 



150 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

moment of need than if it were in no sense retained. 
(2) The relearning method. By this method we really 
measure the amount forgotten by the time required to 
relearn. The procedure is to learn a certain material 
to the point of just being able to reproduce it, and then 
later determine how^ much time is required to relearn 
the amount forgotten. The relearning time is taken 
as the measure of the amount forgotten and is inverse- 
ly related to the amount retained. A relatively short 
relearning time indicates a good memory. This is prob- 
ably a better method of measuring absolute retention 
than is the reproduction method, for it gives weight to 
any retention, no matter hov/ vague or how faint. The 
reproduction method emphasises organisation, for re- 
call depends on organisation and, as said above, for the 
practical purposes of life is perhaps more useful than 
the relearning method. (3) The recognition method 
By this method we do not have the subject either recall 
or relearn but recognise a previously experienced stimu- 
lus. The method may be illustrated by Strong's adver- 
tisement experiments. Strong presented to his subjects 
a certain number of advertisements and later pre- 
sented these same advertisements along with many 
others. The subjects were to say whether each adver- 
tisement had been seen before or not. It is evident that 
the one of these methods w^e should use in any given 
case would depend upon our purposes. 

Usually we are most interested in the logical mem- 
ory of our students. This can be accurately measured 
by the form of tests now in use for this purpose. The 
procedure is to divide a story into ideas or units. The 
story is read to the subjects and, for immediate mem- 
ory, we then require a written reproduction of the 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 151 

story. In scoring it, we give credit for each idea ade- 
quately reproduced- Another method is to have the 
subjects answer a number of questions concerning the 
story. This procedure makes the grading of the work 
easier and more accurate. The questions can be so 
constructed that they can be answered in each case 
by a single word. 

The best standardised method of measuring rote 
memory is as follows: Prepare six lists of words of 
one syllable each. Put three words in the first list, four 
in the second, five in the third, six in the fourth, seven 
in the fifth, and eight in the sixth. The first list is 
read to the subjects and an immediate reproduction 
required. The second list is then read and an immediate 
reproduction required, and so on to the eighth list. We 
can score the reproduction by giving one credit for 
each word reproduced without regard to position in 
the list, or we can give credit for the v/ord and one 
credit for its position. The results are about the same, 
and of course, the former method is much simpler and 
easier. 

Recognition. — A few facts have been discovered in 
the study of recognition memory that should be men- 
tioned. Myers found recognition memory to be about 
two-and-a-half times as efficient as recall, and the cor- 
relation between the two to be low. For boys, recogni- 
tion was three times as efficient as recall and for girls 
recognition was only twice as efficient. But girls were 
more efficient in recognition than v/ere boys. 

Strong studied the effect of the time interval upon 
recognition. The procedure was to present 20 words 
and then later present the same 20 along with 40 others. 
He tried different intervals up to 42 days. In immediate 



152 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

recognition, 84% were recognised. After 7 days, only 
10% were recognised. The decrease was rapid at first, 
then slow, as it has been found to be in other tests of 
memory. 

Voluntary Recall. — Until matter is well learned, at- 
tempt at voluntary recall is a hindrance and a waste of 
time, but after matter is learned, voluntary recall has 
great value just as re-presentation has great value in 
fixing the material. Myers has studied the former of 
these factors. To 332 subjects he gave four series of 
tests, presenting orally ten words in each series. He 
found a decided gain in final recall as a result of inter- 
vening recall without re-presentation of the stimuli 
The effects of recall were greater if recall took place 
five minutes after presentation than when recall was 
immediate. This is in harmony with Jost's law — ^that 
repetitions have greater value for the older associa- 
tions. 

Guillet showed the value of presenting matter again 
two to five days after first presentation. Both recall 
and re-presentation are valuable. Which we should use 
at any particular stage of learning depends upon the 
kind of material and how far learning has progressed. 

As long as learning is uncertain and doubtful, re-pre- 
sentation is preferable. When recall is easily possible, 
recall is preferable. The importance for permanent 
fixation of re-presentation and recall can not be over- 
estimated. In the practical work of studying our les- 
sons, we should learn the material of the lesson; then 
after an interval of some hours go over the matter 
again; then after another interval go over the matter 
in the process of recall; then with longer and longer 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 153 

intervals go over the matter again and again, using re- 
presentation or recall as the conditions demand. 

In poor learning, as Myers has pointed out, the 
wrong elements become coupled together in recall. We 
should not try to recall when this is likely to happen. 
The remedy for poor learning is re-presentation, drill, 
better organisation. 

Position in Series. — Numerous experiments have 
shown that in committing to memory a series of words, 
letters, or other items, the first ones and the last ones 
are learned first. Dell considered the matter with ref- 
erence to meaningful material. He found that, other 
things being equal, the beginning and end of material 
v/ere learned first. Generally speaking, other things are 
not equal; other factors are usually more important 
than position in series. Logical and systematic ar- 
rangement are probably more important. If we can 
combine logical and systematic arrangement with put- 
ting-important items at the beginning and end, the re- 
sults will be favorable. 

Cramming. — Cramming may be defined as the learn- 
ing or trying to learn a great amount of material in a 
short time. It is a legitimate process in two definite 
situations. If one has to organize a large am^ount of 
material for a particular occasion, it is legitimate and 
economical to concentrate the learning and do it all just 
before the knowledge is needed. Secondly, in the learn- 
ing of material that is to be organised and remembered 
for life, or for a long period of time, the economical 
procedure is to spread the learning out, and occasionally 
to go over in concentrated fashion the whole of the 
material, for example, go over a Vv^hole book in one eve- 
ning. This concentrated consideration of a large amount 



154 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

of material helps one to see each part in the light of 
other parts. By the very process of being considered 
together, facts become related in memory. The oftener 
we can think over bits of experience that belong to- 
gether, and that are needed together for use, the better 
these bits become cemented in memory, and the more 
likely one idea will be to recall the other related ones. 
The cramming process is not effective for lasting mem- 
ory, however, unless there has previously been learning 
of the parts in detail. A bird's eye view of a lot of ma- 
terial is profitable provided we have previously had a 
microscopic view. 

EXPERIMENTS AND EXERCISES. 

1. The logical mem.ory of all the students in the class 
should be determined by giving at least four tests, on 
the order of Whipple's Marble Statue test. The in- 
structor should select four short passages of prose that 
are likely to make a strong appeal to all members of 
the class. Divide the passage up into its ideational units 
for ease in scoring. Read each passage and give plenty 
of time for each student to reproduce it. The score 
should be the number of ideas adequately reproduced. 
Combine the scores of the four tests to obtain each stu- 
dent's logical memory efficiency. Compute the inter- 
correlations, six in all, to determine the co-efficient of 
reliability of the tests. 

2. Determine each student's rote memory for words 
by using lists of one syllable words, the lists ranging 
in length from five words to eight. Make at least four 
such tests. Determine the co-efficient of reliability as 
in experiment 1 above. Determine each student's 
standing by combining the results of the four tests, and 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 155 

correlate the results with those from the logical mem- 
ory tests. 

3. Make a study of memory for objects in the follow- 
ing way: Select four groups of objects, ten in each 
group. Conceal them from the class. Expose the ob- 
jects of each group serially, one at a time, and require 
the students to write down the names of the objects, 
without regard to the order of presentation. Combine 
the four records for the total score. Determine the co- 
efficient of reliability as above, and correlate the com- 
bined scores with those in the two tests above. 

REFERENCES. 

Allin, A. M., Recognition, A. J. P., VII, 1896, 249. 

Angell, J. R., Meaning in memory and in attention, P. R., X, 
1903, 267. 

Baldwin, J. M. and Shaw, W. J., Memory for square size, P. R., 
II, 1895, 236. 

Bean, C. H., The curve of forgetting. Arch, of Psych., XX, No. 3, 
1912. 

Bennett, F., Tlie correlations between different memories, 
J. Exp. P., I, 1916, 404. 

Bergstrom, J. A., Experiments upon physiological memory J)y 
means of the interference of associations, A. J. P., V, 1892, 356. 
Effect of changes in the time variable in memorising, to- 
gether with some discussion of the technique of memory experi- 
mentation, A. J. P., XVIII, 1907, 206. 

Burnham, W. H., Retroactive amnesia, illustrative cases and a 
tentative explanation, A. J. P., XIV, 1903, 382. 

Memory, historically and experimentally considered, A. J. P., 
II, 1888, 39. See also, II, 568. 

Bigham. J., Memory, P. R., I, 1894, 453. 

Bolton, T. L., The growth of memory in school children, A. J. P., 
IV, 1891, 362. 

Bolton, F. E., The accuracy of recollection and odservaMnn. 
P. R., Ill, 1896, 286. 

Calkins, M. W., Short studies in memory and in association^ 
P. R. v., 1898, 451. 

Chamberlain, A. H., A memory test with school children PR. 
XXII, 1915, 71. 

Collgrove, P. W., Individual memories, A. J. P., X, 1899, 228. 

Cowan, E. A., An experiment on the influence of trainina on 
memory, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 31. 



156 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Dearborn, G. V. N., Recognition under objective reversal, P. R., 
VI, 1899, 395. 

Dell, J. A., Som-e observations on the learning of sensible 
material, J. E. P., Ill, 1912, 401. 

Downey, J. E. and Anderson, J. E., Retention of skill after 
lapse of practice, A. J. P., XXVIII, 1917, 396. 

Ebbinghaus, H., Memory, 1885, Tr. by H. A. Ruger, 1913. 

Finkenbinder, E. 0., The curve of forgetting, A. J. P., XXIV, 
1913, 8. 

Gates, A. I., Experiments on the relative efficiency of men and 
women in memory and reasoning, P. R., XXIV, 1917, 139. 

Recitation as a factor in memorising. Arch, of Psych., No. 
40, 1917. 

Correlations of immediate and delayed recall, J. E. P., IX, 
1918, 489. 

The mnemonic span for visual and auditory digits, J. Exp. P., 
I, 1916, 393. 

Guillet, C, A study of the memory of young loomen, J. E .P., 
VIII, 1917, 65. 

Retentiveness in child and adult, A. J. P.. XX, 1909, 318. 

Hall, G. S., Note on early memories, Ped. Sem., VI, 1899, 485. 

Hawkins, C. J., Experiments on memory types, P. R., IV, 1897, 
289. 

Hayden, E. A., memory for lifted weights, A. J. P., XVII, 
1906, 497. 

Henderson, E. N., A study of memory, P. R. Mon. Sup., No. 23, 
1903. 

Henmon, V. A. C., The relation between mode of presentation 
and retention, P. R., XIX, 1912, 79. 

The relation betiveen learning and retention and the amount 
to be learned, J. Exp. P.. II, 1917, 476. 

Hill, D. S., Minor studies in learning and relearning, J. E. P., 
V, 1914, 375. 

HoUingworth, H. L., Characteristic differences between recall 
and recognition, A. J. P., XXIV, 1913, 532. 

Kennedy, F., On the experimental investigation of memory, 
P.R.V., 1898, 477. 

Kirkpatrick, E. A., An experimental study of memory, P. R., 
I, 1894, 602. 

Kuhlmann, F., The place of mental imagery and memory among 
mental functions, A. J. P., XVI, 1905, 337. 

Lyon. D. O., The relation of quickness of learning to retentive- 
ness. Arch, of Psych., No. 34, 1916. 

Mulhall, E. F., Tests of the memories of school children, 
J. E. P., VIII, 1917, 294. 
Miinsterberg, H. and Blgham, J., Memory, P. R., I, 1894. 34. 

Myers, G. C., A comparative study of recognition and recall, 
P. R., XXI, 1914, 442. 

Recall in relation to retention, J. E. P., V, 1914, 119. 
Confusion in recall, J. E. P., VIII, 1917, 166. 

Norsworthy, N., Acquisition as related to retention, J. E. P., 
Ill, 1912, 214. 



THE RETENTION OF EXPERIENCE 157 

Patterson, T. L., Pedagogical suggestions from memory tests, 
J. E. P., IX, 1918, 497. 

Perkins, N. L., The Value of distributed repetitions in rote 
learning, B. J. P., VII, 1914-15, 253. 

Peterson, H. A., On the influence of complexity ana dissimi- 
larity on memory, P. R. Mon. Sup., No. 49, 1909. 

McC. Gamble, E. A., A study in memorising various materials 
hy the reconstruction method. P. R. Mon. Sup., No. 43, 1909. 

Pohlmann, A., Experimentelle Beitrdge ziir Lehre vom Oeddcht- 
nis, 1906. 

Potwin, E. B., Study of early memories, P. R., VIII, 1901, 596. 

Pyle, W. H., One function of the teacher in memory work, 
J. E. P., I, 1910, 474. 

The most economical unit for committing to memory, J. E. P., 
II, 1911, 133. 

Retention as related to repetition, J. E. P., II, 1911, 311. 

Shaw, J. C, A test of memory in school children. Fed. Sem., IV, 
1896, 61. 

Smith, W. G., The Place of repetition in memory, P. R., Ill, 
1896, 21. 

Smith, M. and McDougal, W., Some experiments in learning 
and retention, B. J. P., X, 1920, 199. 
Smith, T. L., On muscular memory, A. J. P., VII, 1896, 453. 

Stetson, G. R., Some memory tests of whites and blacks, P. R., 
IV, 1897, 285. 

Strong, E. K., Jr., The effect of time interval upon recognition 
memory, P. R., XX, 1913, 339. 

The effect of length of series upon recognition memory, P. R., 
XIX, 1912, 447. 

Swift, E. J., Memory of a complex skillful act, A. J. P., XVI, 
1905, 131. 
Thorndike, E. L., Memory for paired associates, P. R., XV, 1908, 
122. 

The relation between memory for ivords and memory for 
numbers and the relation between memory over short and mem- 
ory over long intervals, A. J. P., XXI, 1910, 487. 

Titchener, E. B. and Talbot, E. B., An attempt to train the 
visual memory, A. J. P., VIII, 1897, 414. 

Tolman, E. C, Retroactive inhibition as affected by conditions 
of learning, P. Mon., No. 107, 1917. 

Watkins, S. H., Immediate memory and its evaluation, B. J. P., 
VII, 1914-15, 319. 

Whitehead, L. G.. A Study of visual and aural memory pro- 
cesses, P. R., Ill, 1896, 258. 

Winch, W. H., Some relation between substance memory and 
productive imagination in school children, B, J, P., IV., 1911, 95. 
Immediate memory in school children, B. J. P., II, 1906, 52. 
Immediate memory in school children, B. J. P., I, 1904, 127. 



Chapter VIII. 
THE NATURE OF LEARNING CAPACITY. 

Our problem is now to enquire into the nature of 
learning capacity. The question which we shall try 
to answer is this: Are the characteristics of the ner- 
vous system such that a person may be spoken of as a 
"good learner" or a "poor learner" in general? Or 
must we say that a person is good at learning one type 
of material and perhaps poor at learning other types? 
Must we say that a certain person can learn mathe- 
matics easily, but learns some other subject, let us say 
history, with difficulty? Or can we say that a person 
is a good learner or a poor learner at whatever he un- 
dertakes to learn? In the schools, for example, is a 
person known as a good student or a poor student in 
general, or is he known as a good student in history and 
language, for example, and a poor student in science 
and mathematics ? Generally students are spoken of as 
good or poor without reference to any particular sub- 
ject of study. There are, however, numerous excep- 
tions. Sometimes a student is known as an excellent 
student in science and as a poor student in language. In 
such cases the question arises whether the explanation 
may not be quite other than difference in ability to 
learn the different subjects. The explanation may be 
found in difference in preliminary training, difference 
in interest, and other factors of experience. 

[158] 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING CAPACITY 159 

The question which we have raised in this chapter is 
of the highest importance to education, for if learn- 
ing, whatever its nature, depends upon fundamental 
characteristics of the brain and nervous system, then 
it will be found a comparatively simple matter to de- 
termine by experiment the learning capacity of the 
pupils in the public schools and of students in the col- 
leges. On the other hand, if learning is a specific mat- 
ter, we can not speak of learning capacity in a general 
sense, but must speak of ability to learn this or that. 
But let us turn to the experiments. 

Interrelation of Different Learning Capacities. — We 
shall first consider extensive experiments performed in 
the author's laboratory with several different kinds of 
material. The learning falls under four different types. 
(1) First, what we may call motor learning, consisting 
of card sorting and marble sorting. The card sorting 
consisted in distributing 150 numbered cards into trays 
numbered correspondingly. There were 30 trays ar- 
ranged with five in a row, and in six rows. There 
were therefore five cards to each tray. An experiment 
consisted in distributing the 150 cards into their appro- 
priate trays. In marble sorting 96 marbles of different 
colors and sizes were distributed into six different 
receiving boxes by means of a complicated machine 
demanding the use of both feet and both hands. (2) 
The second type of learning is what we may call 
semi-motor in character, the substitution experiments. 
There were three types of these experiments, turning 
digits into symbols, turning symbols into digits, and 
transcribing the alphabet into an arbitrary symbol 
alphabet. The former two we shall call the digit sub- 
stitution experiment and the latter the alphabet substi- 



160 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

tution experiment. The essential difference in these 
experiments was that in the digit substitution experi- 
ments, there were only nine bonds to form, while in the 
alphabet substitution experiment there were twenty-six 
bonds to form. In the substitution experiments 
while there was a motor element, it was not so im- 
portant as in the sorting experiments, and the idea- 
tional element was of more importance. (3) The 
third type of experiment we may call ideational, 
because the motor element was relatively unimportant. 
In this experiment series of ten nonsense syllables were 
learned. They were exposed visually in series of ten, 
one second exposure to each syllable. The exposure of 
the syllables was continued until the subjects could 
write them in their proper order. (4) The fourth type 
of learning we may call motor-inhibited. It consisted in 
learning mirror writing. The method consisted in learn- 
ing to write, with a mirror-reflected stimulus, letters 
that appeared normal in the mirror. It will be seen 
that these experiments were widely different in type. 
Even the two we have called motor were widely differ- 
ent. In the case of. card-sorting, simple associations 
had to be built up between numbers and places. There 
were 30 such associations. In marble-sorting, the 
matter was much more complicated. Appropriate re- 
sponses had to be learned for marbles of four different 
colors and two different sizes, only six in all, but there 
were four different holes for the reception of the mar- 
bles, and the feet had to manipulate pedals when cer- 
tain marbles were deposited. Most of the experiments 
were repeated with several different groups of stu- 
dents. There were usually about 75 in a group. The 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING CAPACITY 161 

learning capacity of each student for each type of 
learning was determined, and all the possible correla- 
tions were computed, 41 in all. The results were very 
constant- Only the averages will be given here. In 
table 20 are shown the average correlations of each 
type of learning with all other types. 

TABLE 20. 

SHOWING THE AVERAGE CORRELATION OF EACH OF FIVE TYPES 
OF LEARNING WITH OTHER TYPES. 

Type of Average of 

Learning. Correlations. 

Digit substitution 594 

Alphabet substitution 547 

Nonsense syllables 441 

Card sorting 496 

Marble sorting 503 

Average of all 516 

Only one correlation could be computed with mirror 
writing, and that was with learning nonsense syllables. 
Between these two tests, the correlation was .505, and 
is included in the averages as given for nonsense syl- 
lables. 

What is the significance of these correlations? A 
raw correlation of a little more than .5 indicates a very 
high positive relationship between the abilities required 
to learn the different types of material. But if learn- 
ing capacity is general, should not the correlation be 
unity? In the author's opinion, if the disturbing fac- 
tors could be eliminated, the correlation would be unity. 
There were several disturbing factors. In the first 
place, the score obtained was not always a correct indi- 
cation of quickness of learning. In card-sorting there 
were wide differences in ability to manipulate the cards 
which affected the score but had no relation to ability 
to learn. These differences in facility with the cards 



162 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

were due to past experience. Another factor which 
affected the score but had no relation to capacity to 
learn was attitude toward the different experiments. 
Owing to difference in interest, students would try much 
harder in some experiments than in others. Previous 
experience, then, affected the scores through giving 
the students some advantage or disadvantage and 
through their effects on the students' attitude and in- 
terest. In motor learning, reaction time, which prob- 
ably has no relation to ability to learn, affected the 
scores. We conclude that as far as these learning 
experiments furnish evidence, learning capacity is a 
general characteristic. 

Evidence From Memory Experiments. — Experiments 
In immediate memory are virtually experiments in 
ability to learn, and their results throw light on our 
present problem. In Table 21 are shown the intercor- 
relations among four logical memory tests. Each mem- 
ory test was given to two separate groups of students. 
This made possible two complete sets of correlations, 
twelve in all. The different correlations together with 
the averages are shown in the table. The four tests 
were The Dutch Homestead, Cicero, and Marble Statue 
from Whipple, and The Costly Temper from the au- 
thor's "Manual." 

The intercorrelations of the memory tests, .537, is 
but a trifle more than the intercorrelations of the learn- 
ing tests. Ability to reproduce stories heard is cer- 
tainly as nearly a unitary function as one could ima- 
gine, still the correlations between story reproductions 
are practically the same as the correlations among 
widely different types of learning. 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING CAPACITY 163 

TABLE 21. 

SHOWING THE INTERCORRELATIONS OF FOUR DIFFERENT TESTS 
OF LOGICAL MEMORY. 

Costly Dutch Marble 

Temper. Homestead. Cicero. Statue. 

524 .568 .556 

Ccstlv Temper .617 .559 .518 

571 .564 .537 

.524 555 .590 

Dutch Homestead 617 .545 .476 

.571 550 .533 

.568 .555 379 

Cicero 559 .545 .550 

.564 .550 465 

.556 .590 .379 

Marble Statue 518 .476 .550 

.537 .533 .465 

Average 557 .551 .526 .512 

Average of the four averages is .537. 
In Lyon's memory studies we find correlations com- 
puted for five different types of memorising. In one 
series of studies with 24 subjects he found an inter- 
correlation of .51 ; and in another study with 17 sub- 
jects he found a correlation of .42. His correlations 
were computed by the rank-difference method. His re- 
sults are therefore about the same as those reported 
above. His correlations for different types of memor- 
ising are practically the same as those in logical mem- 
ory. 

Regularity of Learning. — Few characteristics of 
learning are more remarkable than its regularity in the 
same individual. Two instances will be sufficient for 
illustration. In an experiment in learning lists of 26 
nonsense syllables, the number of repetitions necessary 
to learn them to the point of first reproduction was de- 
termined. The number of repetitions necessary for re- 
learning on succeeding days was also determined. It 



164 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

was found that relearning time had a very definite re- 
lation to learning time and this ratio was fairly con- 
stant and about the same for all subjects. While the 
experiment threw no light on the matter of learning 
different types of material, it showed great definiteness 
and constancy in learning the same kind of material. 
The other illustration is from card-sorting. In this 
kind of learning, nothing was more noticeable than the 
definiteness and regularity of the different subjects. 
They retained their relative positions or ranks from 
day to day with great constancy. At the beginning of 
an experiment the experimenter could predict, on the 
basis of the previous day's work, the relative ranks of 
the subjects. The learning capacity of the various 
learners became definitely known to the experimenter. 
The characteristics underlying learning capacity seem 
to persist and to be as definite as anything in human 
nature. Such variations as usually occur in a given 
subject's learning from day to day, have definite causes 
and can be predicted when the causes are known. Of 
course, constancy in learning depends upon constancy 
of the conditions and factors involved. These factors 
are numerous. The condition of nearly every organ in 
the body can have its effect on the temporary efl^iciency 
of the learner. But there is probably a constant factor 
which may be called general learning capacity, depend- 
ent upon the characteristics of the central nervous sys- 
tem. 

Interrelation of Mental Functions. — -The question of 
the relations of different types of learning capacity 
raises the more general question of the relation of all 
mental functions. The question may be put in this way : 
Are mental functions positively or negatively related? 
Or is there any dependent relationships among them at 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING CAPACITY 165 

all ? If the efficiency of one mental function is known, 
can we predict the efficiency of others? These ques- 
tions can be ansv/ered with some degree of certainty. 
The answer comes from mental tests given in various 
countries during the last twenty years. We shall show 
certain typical results and then discuss their signifi- 
cence. In table 22 are shown the intercorrelations for 
a group of mental tests given to three different groups 
of students in the author's laboratory. There were 21 
correlations for each group, 63 correlations in all. Only 
the averages are shown in the table. 

What is the significance of the figures shown in the 
three tables of correlations? In table 22 the correla- 
tions are all positive but one. Free association gives 
with substitution a negative correlation. It is small, 
however, and may be considered zero. The averages of 
all the correlations, although small, are positive. A 
careful study of all the correlation tables published 
shows that all important complex mental functions are 
positively related. The raw correlations are never very 
high. The disturbing factors are so many that we can 

TABLE 22 (PYLE). 

SHOWING THE INTERCORRELATIONS AMONG DIFFERENT MENTAL 

FUNCTIONS. 

d d S3 

O 73 . ® 2 

'Z ^' '^ -' bn 'C '^ 

<u -r rj- i; C' a « s 

F— 1 w r< 05 "? ,„ .« ,^ 

S St r ^ ir ? c "z: a^ ^ ^ 

Completion 382 .546 .522 .357 .286 .177 .274 

Logical memory .546 .523 .291 .436 ,232 .261 .122 

ODposites 522 .291 .558 .154 .438 .165 .240 

Rote memory 357 .436 .154 .655 .022 .265 .016 

Word building 286 .232 .438 .022 .654 .200 .050 

Free association .177 .261 .165 .265 .200 .679 —.027 

Substitution 274 .122 .240 .016 .050 —.027 .805 

Averages 330 .315 .302 .208 .205 .174 .113 



166 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



TABLE 23 (FROM BURT). 

SHOWING THE INTERCORRELATIONS (CORRECTED CO-EFFICIENTS) 

IN THE CASE OF THE MORE COMPLEX MENTAL 

FUNCTIONS TESTED. 

^s S si ^ i I 

a=^ o -^f^ ^ ^ ^ 

w?-i C f^H -<1 J^ Q 

Spot pattern 80 .75 .96 .41 .66 

Dotting 80 84 .85 .22 .83 

Mirror tracing 75 .84 71 .13 .72 

Alphabet 96 .85 .71 47 .83 

Memory 41 .22 .13 .47 18 

Dealing 66 .83 .72 .83 .18 

Averages 72 .71 .63 .76 .28 .64 



TABLE 24 (FROM SIMPSON). 



SHOWING THE ESTIMATED TRUE CORRELATION FOR PEOPLE IN 
GENERAL, I. E., THE PROBABLE CORRELATIONS AS THEY WOULD 
BE IF THE SUBJECTS WERE A VERY LARGE NUMBER OF PERSONS 
REPRESENTING A RANDOM SAMPLING OF ALL THE PEOPLE, IN- 
STEAD OF TWO SMALL. SELECTED GROUPS. 



s 



fcX) 






r3 O 



Or- o a 

at, 



j^B ^^ «S ?^ S.S So 

-2© 5a ^,° a^oj (DOS ot> 

SU Wo g!^ ^Ph mCh U^ 

Ebbinghaus completion 85 .82 .71 .60 .60 

Hard opposites 85 84 .70 .56 .72 

Memory for words 82 .84 80 .65 .61 

Memory for passages 71 .70 .80 30 .31 

Learning pairs 60 .56 .65 .30 44 

Completing v/ords 60 .72 .61 .31 .44 

Averages 72 .73 .74 .56 .51 .54 

never expect to get a very high correlation between any 
two different mental functions. In table 22 it is seen 
that the raw correlation between two successive tests 
of the same kind is not nearly unity. In the seven tests 
they range from .382 to .805, the average being only 
.608. This last coefficient indicates the reliability of 
our measure, for, of course, the true correlation is not 
.608 but unity. The average raw correlation in this 
table is .239. The average true correlation would be 
about .40. 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING CAPACITY 167 

We said above that all important mental functions 
are positively related. This is not quite the truth. 
What we should say is that all mental functions which 
may be considered a part of general intelligence, gen- 
eral mental ability, are positively related. For, of 
course, it is not true that any aspect of human behavior 
that we may measure will be found positively related 
to all other aspects of human behavior. Quickness of 
reaction time, for example, probably has no relation to 
intelligence. Rapidity in running has no relation to 
judgment of color. Strength of grip has no relation 
to accuracy of ethical judgment. Now, a few perfor- 
mances that have been used as mental tests have given 
negative correlations with other tests. The author has 
found Whipple's ink-blot test, the free association test, 
and cancellation tests given for speed only, to show 
small negative correlations with certain other tests. 
These correlations are usually small, and probably 
should be considered zero, for they are sometimes posi- 
tive. Some writers, Simpson for example, have at- 
tached some importance to these negative correlations. 
But their explanation is plain. Older children make 
poorer records in the ink blot test than younger chil- 
dren, on account of a change in attitude. If we make 
the test consist in ability to see objects in the blots, 
as children become older, they do not report many ob- 
jects owing to their great sophistication. They will 
not admit that the blots look like anything. The free 
association test is little if any more than a test of quick- 
ness of nervous response, and this, as far as we know, 
has no relation to the value or quality of response. 
And in the cancellation test when we do not consider 
accuracy, we are measuring little more than reaction 
time. None of these three tests has shown any positive 



168 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

relation to general intelligence otherwise determined, 
and none of these tests is of a'ny value as a measure of 
intelligence. We repeat, in agreement with Thorndike, 
that no test that is a measure of general intelligence has 
a negative relation with any other such test. On the 
other hand, every test that has proven to be a high 
criterion of general intelligence, has shown high cor- 
relation with other such tests. Of all single tests, the 
completion test has proven to be the best measure of 
intelligence. This test gives the highest average cor- 
relation with other tests. The other tests of proven 
value as measures of general intelligence — opposites, 
logical memory and analogies — all give high positive 
correlations v/ith other important tests. From this 
evidence, only one conclusion seems to us possible. 
There is a human characteristic which we may call 
general learning capacity, just as there is another 
which we may call general intelligence. 

Specific Abilities. — We have a general learning capac- 
ity. We are quick learners, slow learners or mediocre 
learners. But when we learn, we work with some par- 
ticular kind of material. There are therefore two addi- 
tional factors that must always be taken into account 
besides the general factor. One of these factors in- 
volves the specific characteristics necessary to some 
type of learning. For example, in music, one will learn 
fast if he has a good general learning capacity and also 
those specific characteristics necessary to music, par- 
ticularly ability to differentiate pitch, judgment of har- 
mony and dissonance, perception of rhythm. In art, 
one might learn slowly although having good general 
learning capacity, because of lack of muscular control, 
or because of being color blind. In all learning requir- 
ing specific abilities, quickness of learning will depend 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING CAPACITY 169 

upon the degree of general learning capacity possessed 
and also upon the degree to which the specific abilities 
are possessed. 

The other secondary factor that must always be 
taken into account is the effect of experience. In the 
realm of habit, when we start in to form a new one, we 
usually find some old habit that either helps or hinders, 
so that our speed of learning is affected by the old habit. 
And likewise in the realm of knowledge, the knowledge 
we have already acquired is of great consequence. Our 
learning is fast because of the previously acquired 
knowledge or slow because we do not have it. Great is 
the effect, also, of the attitude which previous experi- 
ence gives us toward new tasks. Because of past ex- 
perience we like certain things and dislike others, and 
these affective attitudes are of the greatest consequence 
m learning ; helping if favorable and greatly hindering 
if unfavorable. If by any chance a pupil gets the idea 
that he can not do a thing, he does not like that thing 
and he does not try to do it. As time passes, his inabil- 
ity increases because of the increase of the force of the 
inhibition and also because of lack of practice. While 
we therefore have a general learning capacity, it never 
operates entirely freely but is always complicated by 
specific factors and by the effects of previous experi- 
ence. 

Nature of General Learning Capacity. — It is clear 
that specific learning capacity depends upon the pos- 
session of certain specific characteristics, such as reac- 
tion time, muscular co-ordination, quality of sense per- 
ception, and sensory discrimination, color sense, vari- 
ous auditory characteristics, ideational type, etc. But 
on what does general learning capacity depend ? What 
the characteristics of the central nervous system on 



170 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

which quick learning depends, are, we do not know. In 
psychological terms, however, something can be said 
of what characterises a quick learner. The quick learner 
has what is called in ordinary terminology, the power 
of concentration. All the available cerebral energy 
seems to participate in the learning; there is no waste 
of energy. This characteristic is what is usually spoken 
of as power of attention. The fact that good learners 
also remember well, and the further fact that good 
retention is known to depend upon the vividness and 
intensity of impression which are secured only in a high 
state of attention, lend evidence to the assumption that 
power to learn depends upon power to attend. Since 
attention is merely sensory clearness, it is probable 
that a low level of attention means a low level of men- 
tality. The mental processes of the slow learner would, 
on this assumption, be more vague, less potent, more 
poorly knit together. Another characteristic that un- 
doubtedly affects learning capacity is ability to perceive 
significance. This factor is particularly effective in the 
higher realms of intellectual learning, where meaning 
and organisation are the important things. All of us 
have about the same sensory experience; the good 
learner is he who knows what, in all this experience, is 
significant and what is not. The essential thing in intel- 
lectual learning is organisation. Organisation depends 
upon knoioing what and hoiv to organise. The good 
learner sees what characteristics of experience are sig- 
nificant for the purposes of his life, he attends to these 
characteristics to the exclusion of unimportant charac- 
teristics. The result is a helpful and useful organisa- 
tion of the items of experience. As a consequence ex- 
perience is more vital to the good learner, more useful 
in the after application to life's purposes and more help- 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING CAPACITY 171 

fill in learning other related things. The good learner, 
then, has available a large amount of cerebral energy 
which he can bring to bear in the learning process, and 
is able to recognise the significant and distinguish it 
from the unimportant. The result is a good organisa- 
tion of what is useful. The poor learner lives on a lower 
intellectual level. His mental processes are more 
vague, more loosely knit together. The poor learner 
can not discriminate. One item of experience is to him 
about as important as another; there is therefore no 
selective attention, and as a result no helpful organisa- 
tion of the items of experience. Experience is therefore 
of little use in the practical affairs of life or in learning. 

In the very simplest of learning, these two factors 
can be seen to operate. Let us apply them to card- 
sorting. In the case of the quick learner, the mental 
power is all concentrated on the learning. There is no 
division of attention. The quick learner further sees 
significant and helpful connections and associations. 
He says, for example, "such a number is in the corner, 
another is in the middle, still another is by such and 
such a number," and so on. I have found that in non- 
sense learning, the fastest learners are always those 
that put meanings into the syllables, and hit upon vari- 
ous schemes of organisation. The poorer learners are 
dependent solely upon repeated presentation of the 
stimuli. 

A General Mental Factor.— -Our consideration of the 
nature of learning leads us to the question of the nature 
of general intelligence. We have found reason to be- 
lieve that there is a general factor that operates in all 
learning, a factor which we call general learning capac- 
ity. Certain psychologists claim that there is a gen- 



172 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

eral or central intellectual factor that participates in all 
intellectual activity. This central factor is claimed to 
be the chief basis of the positive correlation found be- 
tween any two important intellectual activities. Spear- 
man is the leading psychologist who advocates the cen- 
tral factor. The main item of proof of this factor is 
that in a table of correlations, if the correlations them- 
selves are high and dependable, any two pairs of col- 
umns give a high positive correlation. This could be 
true, Spearman claims, only if there is a common factor 
in all the tests. Thorndike, Brown, Simpson, and 
others oppose this theory. Thorndike holds that posi- 
tive correlation betv/een two activities depends only 
upon some identity of the functions involved, a certain 
identity of processes. The evidence available does not 
make possible a present solution of this question. In 
the light of such evidence as we now have, I am inclined 
to believe that there is a general learning factor, and 
also a general intellectual factor, a factor operative in 
all intellectual processes. The general learning factor 
and the general intellectual factor are probably the 
same. We stated above that the general learning factor 
may be considered to be the power of attention. Burt 
made a similar claim for the general intellectual factor. 
But a high type of intellect, as pointed out above, pos- 
sesses two characteristics, good learning ability and the 
ability to recognize significance. It may be that these 
two characteristics have a common basis. The physio- 
logical processes and the anatomical structures which 
underlie the psychological factors we have named and 
discussed are not known. About all we can say is that 
some brains are better for the important purposes of 
life than are other brains. Our brains probably have 



THE NATURE OF LEARNING CAPACITY 173 

general characteristics which are potent in all intel- 
lectual operations, hence, the general learning factor, 
and the central intellectual factor. But just as surely, 
brains have certain specific characteristics, effective 
in specific acts of behavior, characteristics that make 
one a better seer, or hearer, or taster, for example; 
characteristics that help or hinder in specific processes, 
and that must always be considered in connection with 
the general factor. 

EXEECISES AND EXPERIMENTS 
1. The object of this experiment is to determine to 
what extent learning capacity is general. Method: 
Compute the inter-correlations among all the learning 
experiment's perfoi*med in this course. The experiments 
should include card-sorting, different forms of substitu- 
tion, all the memory tests included in the exercises of 
Chapter VII, verbatim learning, learning nonsense syl- 
lables, and any other learning experiments performed 
with sufficient care to give valid results. How do the 
correlations compare with those reported in the chap- 
ter? 

REFERENCES. 

Aiken, H. A. and Thorndike, E. L., Correlations among the per- 
ceptive and associative processes, P. R., IX, 1902, 374. 

Brown, W., Some experimental results in the correlation of 
mental abilities, B, J. P., Ill, 1910, 296. 

Brown, W., The essentials of mental measurement, 1911. 

Burt. C, Experimental tests of general intelligence, B. J. P., 
Ill, 1909, 94. 

Chapman, J. C, Individical differences in ability and improve- 
ment and their correlations, T. C. Cont. to Ed., No. 63, 1914. 

Cogan, L. G. and Conkliu, A. M. and Hollingworth, H. L., An 
experimental study of self analysis, estimates of associates and 
psychological tests, S. and S., II, 1915, 171. 

Dunlap, K., The biological basis of the association of ideas and 
the development of perception, Psychobiology, II, No. 1, 29. 

Elderton, E. M., On the association of drawing with other 
capacities in school children, Biometrica, III, 1909-10, 222. 

Haggerty, M. E., The laws of learning, P. R., XX, 1913, 411. 



174 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



Hart, B. and Spearman, C, General aUlity, its existence and 
nature, B. J. P., V, 1912, 51. 

Hollingworth, H. L., Correlation of abilities as affected hij 
practice, J. E. P., IV, 1913, 405. 

Individual differences lefore, during, and after practice, 
P. R., XXI, 1914, 1. 

King, I, The relationship of abilities in certain mental tests to 
ability as estimated by teachers, S. and S., V, 1917, 204. 

Kline, L. W. and Owens, W. A., Preliminary report of a study 
in the learning process involving feeling tone, transference and 
interference, P. R., XX, 1913, 206. 

Krueger, F. and Spearman, C, Die correlation zwischen ver- 
schicdenen (jeistlgen leistungsfUhigkeiten, Zeit., f. Psych. Bd., 
XLIV, 1906, 50. 

Lashly, K. S., Studies of cerebral function in learning, Psycho- 
biology, II, No. 1, 55. 

Lyon, D. O., Memory and the learning process, 1917. 

The relation of quickness of learning to retentiveyiess, 1916. 

McCall, W. A., Correlation of some psychological measurements 
with special attention to the measurement of mental ability, 
S. and S., V, 1917, 24. 

Peterson, A., Correlation of certain mental tests in normal 
school students. P. R., XV, 1918, 323. 

Pyle, W. H., Standards of oriental efficiency, J. E. P., IV, 1913, 
61. 

Rietz. H. L., 0?^ the correlation of the marks of students in 
mathematics and in lau\ J. E. P., VII, 1916, 87. 

Simpson, B, R., Correlations of mental abilities, T. C. Cont. to 
Ed. No. 53, 1912. 

Spearman, C, General intelligence objectively determined a7id 
measured, A. J. P., XV. 1904, 201. 

Manifold sub-theories of the "Tivo factors:' P. R., XXVII 
1920, 159. 

Starch, D., Correlations among abilities in school studies 
J. E. P., IV, 1913, 411. 

Thompson, G. H., A hierarchy without a qeneral factor, B. J. P. 
VIII, 1916, 271. 

Thorndike, E. L., The effect of practice in the case of a purely 
intellectual function, A. J. P., XIX, 1908, 374. 

and Lay W. and Dean, P. R., The relation of accuracy in 
sensory discrimination to general intelligence, A. J. P., XX 
1909. 364. 

Educational Psychology, Vol. Ill, 1914, 315. 

Weglin, D. E., 77? c correlation of abilities of high school pupils 
1917. 

Whitley, M. T., An empirical study of certain tests for indi- 
vidual differences. Arch, of Psych., No. 19, 1911. 

Wissler, C, The correlation of mental and physical tests, P. R. 
Mon. Sup., Ill, No. 16, 1901, 62. 



Chapter IX. 
MEASURING LEARNING CAPACITY. 

In the last chapter we came face to face with the 
problem of measuring learning capacity, for in order 
to compare ability in one field of learning with ability 
in another, we must have some means of measuring 
capacity to learn. Since the question of measuring 
learning capacity is an important one and has many 
details that demand specific investigation, we have re- 
served its treatment for a separate chapter. Our prob- 
lem here is but a part of the more general question of 
measuring all mental functions. Into the general ques- 
tion of mental measurements, we shall not enter. The 
possibility of such measurements and their practical 
feasibility have been fully demonstrated. 

Learning is forming bonds between stimuli and re- 
sponses or between ideas. Common observation as well 
as experiment shows that the rate and effectiveness 
with which we form these bonds vary from one person 
to another. In order to measure the efficiency of a 
learner we have but to set him a task of bond-forming 
and determine the amount accomplished in a given 
time ; by comparing this amount with the results from 
other learners we can determine whether the learner 
being measured is fast or slow. 

Such a procedure seems quite simple, as indeed it is. 
But before we can feel confidence in the results of such 
measurements, we must have information on several 

[175] 



176 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

details of the procedure. In the first place, if we are to 
compare the efficiency of one learner with that of an- 
other, the learners must not only be set the same task 
but each must work with all his might. If one learner 
puts forth all possible energy, and the other does nat 
try, of course, the results are not comparable. A mental 
test of any kind is valid only on the assumption that the 
learner does his best. The validity of a mental test de- 
pends further on those tested being in good physical 
and mental condition. By good physical condition, we 
mean the subject must be free from fatigue, sickness 
or any other physical ailment that would interfere with 
learning. By proper mental condition, we have refer- 
ence to emotion and attitude- The person being meas- 
ured should not be excited unduly or nervous. A favor- 
able attitude is always desirable, because it is necessary 
to get the subject to do his best. So much for the con- 
ditions required on the part of the subject. There are 
also certain problems of method that must be consid- 
ered. In comparing the learning efficiency of different 
learners, we compare their learning curves. But what 
point in the curves shall we take for comparision ? Shall 
we measure a group of learners which we wish to com- 
pare after they have worked a short time or after they 
have worked a long time? The results may be differ- 
ent. We do not know in the absence of experiment. We 
do not know whether some learners may start out 
slowly and become much faster later, while some may 
start out fast and become slower later. If we allow our 
subjects to work till they have reached their limit in 
the given task, and then measure them, we are evi- 
dently measuring final efficiency, which may be quite 
a different thing from learning capacity. For all we 



MEASURING LEARNING CAPACITY 177 

know to the contrary, a quick learner may soon reach 
his limit while a slow learner may continue to improv.^ 
and reach a final efficiency much greater than that 
reached by the fast learner. It is evident therefore 
that the length of time we allow our subjects to work 
before taking our measure is an important matter. 
These various questions of method we shall consider 
below. We must first see what sort of tests have been 
used as measures of learning capacity. 

Learning Tests. — The type of learning test most ex- 
tensively used is the substitution test, which is one of 
the simplest of tests and has a wide range of possibili- 
ties in the materials that can be used and the varia- 
tions that can be made in them. The principle of the 
test is as follows: The learner is given a number of 
symbols with which he is familiar and is required to 
couple with these symbols others which have not been 
so coupled with them in the experience of the subject. 
In a form of the experiment standardised by the au- 
thor, the known symbols are the nine digits, and the 
symbols that are to be coupled with them are letters of 
the alphabet. The procedure in giving the test is as 
follows: The subject is given the test sheet which 
contains columns of numbers, five digits in a number. 
After the numbers are five squares in which the proper 
letters are to be written. At the top of the test sheet 
is a key showing what letter is to be coupled with each 
digit. The child, after hearing an explanation of the 
nature of what he is required to do, proceeds at once to 
fill out the squares, looking up at the key to see how to 
do it. The theory of the test is that the quick learner 
will soon know the key and will not have to look at it ; 
he therefore makes a higher score in a given time. As 



178 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

the author has used the test, eight minutes were allowed 
in grades three, four, and five, and five minutes in the 
grades above. The score — indicating the learning capa- 
city — is the number of correct substitutions made in a 
minute. 

In practice, this test does not turn out to be just what 
it is in theory. The discrepancy consists in the fact 
that some subjects do not try to learn the key, but con- 
tinue to refer to it throughout .the experiment. Since 
these are the less intelligent pupils, the error is not so 
great as might be expected. Nevertheless a better way 
to administer a substitution test is to provide the sub- 
jects with the key and allow them to study it for a cer- 
tain length of time, then require them to write the 
substitutions from memory. In Table 25 are the norms 
for public school children by age and sex; method, 
pupils using the key while practicing. 

TABLE 25. 

SUBSTITUTION TEST, CITY CHILDREN. METHOD— USING KEY WHILE 

PRACTICING. SCORE— NUMBER CORRECT SUBSTI- 

TIONS PER MINUTE. 

Boys Girls 

Age. No. Ca;=es. Averag-e. No. Cases. Averaj^e. 

8 223 7.95 213 9.11 

9 296 10.08 355 10.86 

10 410 11.81 380 13.82 

11 443 13.43 387 15.88 

12 399 15.48 433 18.29 

13 401 16.80 424 20.31 

14 „ 308 19.26 344 22.21 

15 255 22.13 274 24.17 

16 173 23.71 217 26.92 

17 93 26.42 141 28.12 

18 52 24.41 86 28.39 

The substitution test has a high co-efficient of relia- 
bility, and it gives the highest average correlation with 
the other learning tests, as shown in table 20. With the 



MEASURING LEARNING CAPACITY 179 

other mental tests, it gives low but constant correla- 
tions. While it gives low correlations with the other 
types of mental tests, if its correlations with the other 
tests are themselves correlated with the averages of the 
correlations of each test with all the others as shown 
at the bottom of the correlation table (p. 165), it gives 
a higher correlation than any other test similarly 
treated. This indicates the most constant presence and 
regularity of the factor common to the tests. 

Many different forms of the substitution test have 
been used. Their validity depends upon how they are 
given and how they are scored. If they are properly 
administered and properly scored, and repeated so as 
to give a stable measure, they give a measure of con- 
siderable reliability. 

Tests of Motor Learning. — A motor learning test ex- 
tensively used by the author and, in various forms, 
used in other laboratories, is the card-sorting test de- 
scribed in Chapter VIII. This test has many advan- 
tages. It has no relation to book-learning or any of the 
ordinary learning that goes on at school. By using 
playing cards or cards with colors instead of numbers 
it can be given to illiterates or very young children. The 
demands of the test are easily understood. By sorting 
into a small number of boxes, the learner soon gets suf- 
ficient data for the construction of a learning curve. 
The test practically always arouses interest and the 
subjects do their best. Its only disadvantage is that in 
the case of older subjects, those who are adept in the 
handling of cards, make a somewhat higher score than 
they otherwise would. 

The card-sorting experiment has many possibilities. 
The author uses a card-sorting box having six rows of 



180 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

trays with five trays in a row, thirty in all. These are 
numbered in miscellaneous order from 11 to 41. On 
the reverse side of the box there is the same number 
of trays. For the study of inhibition, these have the 
same numbers with a different arrangement. There 
are five cards of each number, 150 in all. In six days 
of practice not only can reliable measures of learning 
capacity be obtained but data be secured for the con- 
struction of six comparative learning curves, and facts 
be discovered which throw light on the problem of 
transfer of training. The procedure is as follows : On 
the first day of practice, the learners spend an hour 
sorting into the first row of boxes. Since there are only 
five boxes in the row, their location is soon learned and 
the learning curve rises fast. On the second day, the 
learners spend an hour on the second row of boxes. On 
the third day, they take the third row, and so continue 
to take a new row each day till all the rows are used. 
This requires six days if only one side of the box is 
used. By going on with different numbers, both sides 
of the box can be used, giving twelve days of learning 
with a new set of boxes for each day. Such an experi- 
ment teaches students more about habit-formation and 
the laws of learning than they could learn from a book 
in a long time. Indeed such facts can not be adequate- 
ly learned from a book in any length of time. Facts 
discovered in this experiment which throw light on the 
problem of inhibition and also that of the transfer of 
training are discussed in later chapters. 

The marble-sorting experiment, discussed in Chapter 
VIII, is a valid measure of capacity in motor learning. 
It has the advantage also of being different from the 
ordinary school work, and arouses great interest. It 



MEASURING LEARNING CAPACITY 181 

requires a high degree of attention and concentration. 
It can be given to illiterates and young children. Sub- 
jects who have had much experience v/ith the piano or 
typewriter have a slight advantage in the score. The 
author used this experiment with success in comparing 
the learning capacity of negro children with v/hite chil- 
dren. The comparisons are shown in Table 26. 

In the field of ideational learning the number of 
kinds of learning tests that can be devised is as great 
as the number of kinds of learning material. Nonsense 
syllables, properly constructed and arranged, furnish 
us with one of the best means of measuring learning 
capacity. Their learning demands a high degree of 
concentration. In a few hours several series can be 
learned, affording an adequate measure of this form of 
learning. The material has the advantage that it is 
absolutely new to experience. Previous experience gives 
no bias. The associations must be established ab novo. 

It may be claimed that the best types of learning 
tests should use meaningful material. The author has 
some sympathy with this claim. Such material has 
many advantages, but has the disadvantage that when 
used for comparative purposes, it will favor certain 
subjects or groups of subjects, because of differences in 
previous experience and interest. If we take great care 
in the selection of test material, such tests as those 
usually given under the head of logical memory are of 
great value in measuring differences in learning capac- 
ity. There are various ways in which they can be ad- 
ministered. A description of two methods will be suf- 
ficient. A short story can be divided into ideational 
units for ease in grading the results. This story is 
read to the subjects once. They then make a written 



182 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

TABLE 26. 
THE LEARNING CAPACITY OF NEGPvO CHILDREN. 

The numbers in the table represent the percentages which the 
Negro scores were of the scores of white children for the various 
ages. Test used, marble-sorting experiment. 

Ages 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Av. 

Girls 81 76 72 79 73 75 73 75.6 

P>oys 84 79 80 74 77 83 81 79.7 

reproduction of the ideas. The number of ideas ade- 
quately reproduced is the score. The other method of 
giving the test is to read the story once, have a repro- 
duction, then continue to read it and have it reproduced 
until all the ideas are reproduced. This procedure has 
been used by the author for individual tests, the repro- 
ductions being made orally. The former method re- 
quires much less time, and if repeated with four differ- 
ent kinds of material, gives a valid measure of learning 
capacity. 

To summarise: Learning is connecting. Any test 
that measures the capacity of a subject to establish 
connections between two processes not before asso- 
ciated, is a valid measure of general learning capacity. 
In practice, we should use several different types of 
test. Each test should be repeated at least twice, and 
preferably four times. The results of the several tests 
should then be combined and taken as a measure of 
learning capacity. Any test of learning capacity that 
uses only one kind of material and is given but once 
can be only a rough measure of learning capacity. In 
ordinary practice, only group tests can be used. The 
author recommends the use of the substitution test, the 
second procedure mentioned above, repeated four 
times ; card-sorting, an hour test with each of six boxes ; 
the learning of four ten-syllable series of nonsense syl- 
lables ; and four tests of logical memory. The combined 



MEASURING LEARNING CAPACITY 183 

results are to be taken as the measure of general leani- 
ing capacity. 

Where to Make the Measure.-— If our purpose is 
merely to measure the quickness of learning, we have 
but to set our subjects to work forming new bonds, let 
them work for a time, then measure the degree of per- 
fection with which the bonds are formed. But how 
long should we let them work ? If there are only a few 
bonds to form, and the subjects work for a considerable 
time, and we then determine the subjects' relative effi- 
ciencies in using the bonds, we are not measuring learn- 
ing capacity at all, but the various individuals' capaci- 
ties to do a certain thing. We should take our measure 
early in the practice period in order to measure learning 
capacity and not final capacity. We should take our 
measure while the learning curve is still rising steeply. 
How many minutes or hours should precede the appli- 
cation of our measure depends upon the number and 
complexity of the bonds. In the case of card-sorting, 
the efficiency attained with five boxes in an hour gives 
a good measure. With thirty boxes, a better measure 
would be had after a longer period. The only advan- 
tage of a longer period, however, is to offset minor 
errors that would unduly affect a shorter period. In 
general, the longer the period covered by any mental 
test, the more reliable the test. For example, in a test 
covering a minute, the various accidents that happen 
in getting started — accidents with paper, pencil, etc. — 
have an appreciable effect on the score. Such accidents 
do not have a measurable effect on a test covering an 
hour. In learning involving the formation of very 
many bonds, we should not apply the measure until all 
the bonds are formed at least weakly. 



184 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

The importance of knov/ing when to apply our meas- 
ure is at once apparent when we undertake to measure 
the learning capacity of people having widely different 
learning capacities, as negroes and whites. If we take 
the efficiency at the end of five minutes practice with a 
nine-digit substitution test, we find the whites very 
much superior. If we should take as our measure the 
efficiency attained by twenty minutes of practice, the 
negroes are found to be as good as the whites. In the 
first case we are really measuring learning capacity ; in 
the second case, we are measuring not learning capacity 
at all but quickness at copying. At the latter task, the 
negroes are as good as the v/hites. 

It is quite evident that at different points on the 
learning curve, we measure different things. We said 
above that in the case of card-sorting involving 30 
boxes, we should not make our measure too early. The 
reason for this is that in such a case we are measuring 
neither learning capacity nor final efficiency, but how 
quickly a person can look over a list of numbers and 
find a certain one. 

Correlations in Learning Experiments.— The various 
questions raised in the above discussions can be scien- 
tifically studied by applying the correlation formula. 
We can put a group of people to vv^orking at a learning 
experiment and allow them to continue till considerable 
fixation is reached, taking measures of efficiency at fre- 
quent intervals. We can then compare the relative 
standing of our subjects at any point with their stand- 
ing at any other point. In nine-digit substitution, for 
example, in an experiment involving 29 subjects v/ho 
worked for five-minute periods, the correlation of 
standing at the end of the first five minutes with that 



MEASURING LEARNING CAPACITY 185 

at the end of five practice periods was .64, while the 
correlation of the standing at the end of the second 
period with that at the end of the fifth was .96. In a 
learning experiment so simple as this, the subjects very 
soon assume relative positions that are indicative of 
their final efficiencies. Even in a complicated learning 
experiment such as sorting cards into 30 boxes, a group 
of subjects soon reach a relative position that changes 
little. In the case mentioned, four subjects on the fourth 
day attain relative positions that do not change during 
the rest of the experiment. 

Relation of Learning to Other Functions. — The rela- 
tion of learning capacity to other mental functions and 
to general intelligence can be determined by correlating 
the results of learning tests with the results of other 
types of mental tests and with other measures of gen- 
eral intelligence, such as class standing or the estimates 
of teachers. In Table 27 are shown the correlations of 
three learning tests with the results obtained from the 
Army Alpha test. 

TABLE 27. 

LEARNING CACAPITY CORRELATED WITH GENERAL INTELLIGENCE 
AS DETERMINED BY THE ARMY ALPHA TEST. 

Digit-symbol substitution with Army Alpha .32 

Marble-sorting with Army Alpha 30 

Card-sorting with Army Alpha 25 

If learning capacity is determined by combining the 
results of the substitution test, marble-sorting test, 
and card-sorting test, and the combined rating corre- 
lated with general intelligence as determined by seven 
group tests, the correlation is found to be .42. The 
group tests were tests of logical and rote memory, 
word-building, substitution, opposites, completion test. 



186 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

analogies. The corresponding correlation obtained from 
a different group of students was .467. With this sec- 
ond group of students the substitution test alone gave 
a positive correlation of .42 with general intelligence; 
marble-sorting test, a correlation of .33 ; and nonsense- 
learning, a correlation of .46. 

In a class of 40, class standing was determined by- 
three examinations, general intelligence from the re- 
sults of seven group tests mentioned above and learn- 
ing capacity by the three learning tests — marble-sort- 
ing, card-sorting, and digit-symbol substitution. The 
following correlations were obtained: 

Class standing: with 

Average of mental tests gives 41 

Average of learning tests. 436 

Logical memory alone 22 

Completion alone 29 

The high diagnostic value of learning tests is at once 
evident. If learning capacity could be determined with 
absolute accuracy and class standing determined with 
equal accuracy, the correlation between the two would 
probably not be over .50 or .60, because of the many 
other factors that enter into the determination of class 
standing. Learning capacity is probably the most im- 
portant single factor, but previous preparation for the 
course, interest in the course, amount of time spent in 
study upon the course are impoi1:ant factors in deter- 
mining class standing. 

In conclusion it may be said that general learning 
capacity can be determined by the use of several forms 
of learning tests, and that the results of such tests are 
valid in practical diagnosis. 



MEASURING LEARNING CAPACITY 



187 




Fjgure 20. Learning Curves, Digit-letter Sustitution. The 
group average is shown by the heavy line 5, the other lines show 
individual records. After the first few practices, the individuals 
maintain their relative ranks with considerable constancy. How- 
ever, number 6 starts below the average and finishes above the 
average, aDd number 1 starts highest and soon falls to near the 
average, finishing but little above. 



188 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

The amount of regularity to be found in a practice 
experiment, and the relative ranks of the subjects at 
different periods of practice, are shown in Table 28. 
The experiment which furnished the data for this table 
was as follows : Thirteen subjects practiced at a substi- 
tution test, five minutes at a time, four times a day for 
three days. The results for each practice are converted 
to a group average of 50. This enables the reader to 
determine at a glance how each subject stood at any 
time with reference to the group average. It will be 
noticed that some subjects are always above the group 
average and others are always below, while some who 
are close to the average are sometimes a little above and 
at other times a little below. If the first two tests are 
combined and taken as a measure of initial speed, and 
the last two are similarly combined as a measure of 
final speed, and the two arrays correlated, the correla- 
tion is found to be .554. If all those subjects above 
the average are combined into one group and those 
below the average are combined into another group and 
graphs constructed to show their relative position above 
and below the average, we get the results shown in 
Fig. 21. It will be seen that the fast group as a whole 
is fast throughout, and the slow group as a whole is 
slow throughout. 

The actual raw correlation of each practice period 
with the last is as follows: 1, .383; 2, .700; 3, .755; 
4, .834; 5, .793; 6, .767; 7, .861; 8, .939; 9, .965; 10, .952; 
11, .976. 

In comparing learning capacity in one kind of mate- 
rial with that in another, it is of special importance 
that we know just where to apply our measure. If we 
apply it at a point where the curves are still steep, we 



MEASURING LEARNING CAPACITY 



189 



6o 



30 



^o 



A*-?/ 




/ 2 Ji 4 -^ € 7 S 9 ^o // /z 

Figure 21. Graphs fob Substitution Experiment. The horizont- 
al line shows the group average. The upper graph is the learn- 
ing curve for those who averaged above the group average, and the 
lower curve is for those who were below the group average. 

are really comparing learning efficiency. If we apply 
it after the curves have become relatively flat, we are 
comparing the efficiency of two different functions. In 
the latter case, the correlation might be high and posi- 
tive or it might be high and negative. 

An important question arises here. What is the re- 
lation of learning capacity to final efficiency? The 
question can be answered by correlating standing early 



190 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

TABLE 28. 

SUBSTITUTION EXPERIMENT. TWELVE PRACTICE PERIODS. THIR- 
TEEN SUBJECTS. SCORES ALL REDUCED TO A GROUP 
AVERAGE OF 50. 

The successive practices are shown from left to right. 
Sub- 
ject. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Av. 

A 43 42 44 50 51 52 52 56 55 49 58 56 51 1 

B 46 54 45 52 37 40 47 47 50 52 61 57 49 — 1 

C 45 49 43 40 37 33 31 30 32 30 29 28 36 —14 

D 59 57 53 50 49 56 53 55 58 55 63 59 56 6 

E 59 52 59 52 57 61 57 57 58 57 61 56 57 7 

F 53 46 52 51 50 55 54 52 49 51 50 51 51 1 

G 46 31 33 41 43 44 40 42 43 42 42 44 41 — 9 

H 48 42 46 45 47 44 43 39 39 40 38 35 42 — 8 

1 69 69 64 62 61 50 55 60 65 70 68 66 63 13 

J 48 67 73 78 74 73 76 68 69 65 70 67 69 19 

K 44 39 38 33 40 41 40 40 36 39 35 32 38 —12 

L 38 53 58 53 64 62 61 62 53 59 61 59 57 

M 51 47 42 43 40 38 40 41 42 40 43 40 43 — 7 

in the learning curve v^ith standing after the curve has 
become relatively flat. In all such computations made 
by the author, the correlations are found to be positive. 
As a rule, the quick learners have the highest final effi- 
ciency. It therefore turns out that although learning 
capacity and final efficiency are different things, they 
are positively related. In a group of learners there is 
not much change of position after practice has pro- 
ceeded a little way. Of course there is some change of 
position due to the fact that the particular material 
may demand specific abilities that are not possessed in 
the same proportion as learning capacity, and also due 
to different methods used by the learners. In some 
cases an early score is low because of a method that 
does not give good results immediately, but later. In 
card-sorting, for example, a low early score may be due 
to the fact that the subject is trying to fix the location 
of boxes in mind. A valid measure of learning should 
be taken late enough for such slow learning to show 



MEASURING LEARNING CAPACITY 191 

its effects, perhaps at a point where the curve is most 
convex. In general ,then, the learners who stand high 
early in the practice periods, stand high later. This is 
shown in Fig. 20, page 187. It will be noticed that 
those who are high early are high at the end of a prac- 
tice. 

Holling*worth has made a study of the effects of 
practice on correlations, but his study did not involve 
learning capacity in the sense that we are using it. He 
studied the following functions: adding, opposites, col- 
or-naming, discrimination, cancellation, co-ordination, 
and tapping. The correlation in the preliminary test 
was .41. In the 5th, 25th, 50th, 80th, 130th, and 175th 
practices, the average correlations of each with all the 
others v/ere respectively .61, .73, .77, .85, .92, and 1.00. 
This increase in the correlation is due to the stabilizing 
of the performances. After 175 practices each of these 
tests measured the same thing, namely reaction time. 
In any kind of motor performance, final efficiency de- 
pends upon reaction time. In the case of learning ex- 
periments the author has often found a higher correla- 
tion between early practices than between later ones. 
In studying correlations, therefore, we should always 
bear in mind what the things are which we are corre- 
lating. Burt finds a higher correlation with intelligence 
before than after practice in the case of mental tests. 
This is because intelligence is more closely related to 
quickness of learning than to final efficiency, although 
all three are generally in some degree positively related. 

EXPERIMENTS AND EXERCISES. 
1. The learning capacity of the members of the class 
may be determined by combining the results of all the 
learning experiments so far used in the course. Others 



192 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

can be given as described in this chapter. In combining 
the results, the class averages in each test should be 
reduced to 50 and all the scores expressed in relation to 
this average. The scores should then be added and 
divided by the number of tests. All students whose 
combined score average is above 50 are of course above 
the class average, those below 50 are below the class 
average. 

For references, see page 173. 



Chapter X. 
DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY. 

Individual Differences. — When we measure the learn- 
ing capacity of a group of students, we find great indi- 
vidual differences. In Figure 22 is shown the distribu- 
tion of 443 university students with reference to their 
learning capacity. The test used was the substitution 
test. The subjects were all students in the same course 
in educational psychology in successive classes. Men 
and women are included together in the records shown 
in the figure. There were about one-fifth as many men 
as women. Efficiency is indicated by the scores shown 
on the horizontal axis. The efficiency scores range 
from 28 to 72. The average of all the scores is 50. The 
peaks just above and just below 50 are probably due to 
our combining both sexes in the same curve, for the 
women average ten per cent, better in learning capacity, 
as shown by this test, than the men. 

A child's status in school is determined chiefly by his 
general intellectual ability, but learning capacity is 
doubtless the main factor in intellectual ability. The 
variability in learning capacity is well shown in Figures 
23 and 24. In Fig. 23 is shown the age distribution of 
2943 boys and 3152 girls in the eighth grade of the 
Detroit schools. It will be seen that eighth grade chil- 
dren range in age from 10 to 17. In Fig. 24 difference 
in ability is shown in a different way. The graphs show 
the grade distribution of all the eleven-year old children 

[193] 



194 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



/<' 



^'f'' 



4o\ 



M 



M 



FiGUHE 22. Frequency Surface showing the distribution of 443 
university students with reference to their learning capacity as 
determined by the substitution test. 



DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY 195 

in the city of Detroit. It will be seen that they range 
from the first grade to the ninth. The graphs repre- 
sent 2382 boys and 2457 girls. 

Collings found the distribution of 112 twelve-year old 
boys in the rural schools of a certain county to be as 
shown in Table 29. The author studied experimentally 
the mental differences of forty-four twelve-year old 
pupils in the schools of a certain small city of Missouri. 
Their distribution through the grades and their men- 
tality as shown by four tests are given in Table 30. 

TABLE 29. 

SHOWING THE GRADE DISTRIBUTION OF 112 RURAL BOYS. 

Grade. 1234537 8 
Number pupils 4 4 14 17 39 13 18 3 

TABLE 30. 

SHOWING THE DIFFERENCES IN ABILITY OF 44 12-YEAR-OLD PUPILS. 

School Number Completion Logical Word Oppo- 

Grade. Pupils. Test. Memory. Building". sites, 

4.... 4 17.8 22.2 3.5 2.5 

5 10 41.6 33.0 8.5 6.4 

6 23 50.4 34.2 6.6 7.9 

7 7 59.9 42.5 7.5 , 9.4 

In four different high schools, the author selected the 
brightest and the dullest pupils on the basis of class 
standing and teachers' judgments, and determined their 
general ability by means of various tests. The tests 
v/ere somewhat different in different schools. The re- 
sults of all these studies are shown in Table 31. The 
figures, expressed in per cents, in every case indicate 
the amounts by which the good pupils excelled the poor 
ones. 

The scores of the bright pupils are, on the average, 
about 21 % better than those of the dull pupils. 



196 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



SOfi 



A 

/ \ 

/ \ 

/ \ 

/ \ 

/ \ 

/ \ 



d'oa 



Boo 



/?^ 



23 



/O 



/2 /^ 



/S /^ 



Figure 23. Frequency Surfaces, solid line, boys ; broken line, girls ; 
showing the distribution of eighth grade children in the city ot 
Detroit with reference to age; 2943 boys; 3152 girls. 



DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY 



197 




Figure 24. Frequency Surfaces showing the distribution of eleven 
year old children, city of Detroit, with reference to grade, solid line 
boys, broken line girls; 2382 boys, 2457 girls. 



198 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



TABLE 31. 

SHOWING THE AMOUNTS— EXPRESSED IN PER CENTS.—BY WHICH 
BRIGHT PUPILS EXCELLED DULL ONES . 

.i -2 i li 

■sc t: a ^ ^ o| 

-=) o'l' ca- »r3 c :r om 

j^ ^Jl^ p^;^ ?^M U CO U*< 

A .. 23 36 39 13 24 

B 23 15.0 28 25 11 8 

C 23 28 13 

D 33 2.4 18 17 28 

Average... 26 8.7 27 29 17 18 

The variation in ability in learning capacity in the 
case of university men and women is shown in Figure 
25. The type of learning was marble-sorting. There 
were 213 women and 127 men. It will be seen that the 
range of ability is about 1 to 5. Still another compari- 



FiGUEE 25. Frequency Surfaces showing the distribution of 
university men and women with reference to learning capacity as 
determined by a marble sorting experiment. Solid line represents 
women and the broken line, men. 

son of university students is shown in Figure 18. The 
test was the immediate reproduction of a story read to 
the subjects, who were 516 university women and 277 
university men. In order that the surfaces might show 



DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY 199 



3o 



r,f.z^ 



/c 



Q X /0 7s zo Z^ Jo 

9 ,4 ^9 Zf ^^ ^ 

Figure 2G. Frequency Surfaces showing the distribution of all 
the children in a school with reference to learning capacity as 
determined by a substitution test. 1 represents girls, and 2 
represents boys. 



200 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

the same area, the number of men was multiplied by 
the ratio 1.86. In this experiment, the ratio of the 
poorest to the best is about 1 to 9. 

The distribution of the pupils of an entire school 
system on the basis of learning capacity (Webster 
Groves, Mo.) is shown in Figure 26. These frequency 
surfaces represent all the pupils of both sexes and in 
all grades. In Figure 27 are shown the very gi'eat 
diiferences in ability found in the same grade. The 
curves in this figure are based on mental measurements. 
The subjects are the pupils in a small school system. 
It will be noticed that the range within a grade is very 
great and that the grades overlap. A large number 
of pupils in the fifth grade, for example, have no better 
ability than many in the fourth. 




Figure 27. These graphs show the range of ability in the same 
grade and the overlapping of grades. Ability was determined by 
seven group tests. The pupils were all the children in the grades 
indicated, in the schools of Webster Groves, Mo. 

Definite difi:erences in capacity are forcibly shown 
in Figure 28. The graphs were constructed as follows: 
Four subjects sorted cards one hour daily for 15 days. 
After several days they sorted seven times in one hour. 
The average of each sorting for all the days was taken 
for each person and from these averages, the graphs 
were constructed. The records for the graphs are in 
the form of number of seconds required to sort 150 
cards. It is evident that these four subjects are definite 



DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY 201 




Figure 28. Learning Curves, four subjects, card-sorting. The 
scores are the number of seconds required to sort 150 cards. 

and distinct in their several abilities in mastering card- 
sorting and in sorting them after the various habits 
were formed. It will be seen that on the third day, 
the subjects assumed relative positions that did not 
afterward change. 

Learning Capacity of Country Children. — A compari- 
son of the learning capacity of country children with 
that of city children is shown in the following Table. 
The children studied were all the pupils in the country 
schools of a certain Missouri county. The city norms 
with which they are compared were obtained by giving 



202 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



the same test — substitution — to the children of various 
Missouri cities. The test was the digit-symbol substi- 
tution test, and the scores shown in the tables represent 
the number of substitutions made per minute. 



Age, 8 

City 7.9 

Country 6.0 



Age. 

City 

Country 



8 

9.1 
7.1 



9 
10.0 

7.7 



10.8 
8.4 



10 

11.8 

9.2 



10 
13.8 
11.9 



BOYS. 

11 12 
13.4 15.4 
12.4 14.6 

GIRLS. 
11 12 
15.8 18.2 
15.2 19.8 



13 

16.8 
17.3 



13 
20.3 
21.9 



14 
19.2 
19.8 



14 
22.2 
23.5 



15 
22.1 
20.5 



15 
24.1 
24.8 



16 

23.7 
21.2 



16 
26.9 
27.6 



17 
26.4 
22.4 



17 
28.1 
28.6 



18 
24.4 
25.5 



18 
28.3 
28.3 



In Figure 29 city and country children are compared 
with reference to their standing in several mental tests, 
substitution, as shown in the above, and also, logical 
memory, rote memory, association, and completion. 
The figure is constructed as follows: The horizontal 
line at the top represents the standing of city children. 
The graphs of the country boys and girls are drawn so 
as to show the percentage of the city scores which the 
country boys and girls make at the different ages. As 
the children grow older there appears less and less 
difference between city and country. It will be seen 
that the country pupils make only about 60 <^ 
a score at age 8 as do the city children. 



-/c as high 



ciTr CMiLCittK 




/'/.f.^S 



Figure 21). The graphs show the mental ability of country boys and 
girls as compared with city children. 



DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY 203 

Racial Differences in Learning Capacity. — Careful, 
though not extensive, studies have been made of the 
learning capacity of the American Negroes and of the 
native Chinese. In Table 32 Chinese boys and girls 
are compared with American boys and girls. The 
numbers in the table represent the per cent, which the 
Chinese scores are of the American scores for the ages 
shown. In the substitution test alone, the average 
efficiency of the Chinese children is, in the case of boys, 
86.6 per cent, of American learning efficiency, and, in 
the case of girls, 77.9 per cent. If the results of the 
various tests are combined, it is seen that the average 
efficiency of the Chinese is for boys, 84 per cent, and 
for girls, 77 per cent, of that of Americans. In Table 
33 a similar comparison is made with the Negroes. The 
average of the norms for the Negro boys is 57 per cent, 
of the average for whites. The average for the Negro 
girls is 60 per cent, of the average for white girls. In 
the substitution test alone, the average score for the 
Negro boys is 44.5 per cent, of the white average. The 
average for Negro girls is 43.7 per cent, of the average 
for white girls. 

It will be seen that the Chinese, although they were 
at many disadvantages in experience, training, and 
language, compare very favorably with American white 
children, while the Negroes, although at no such disad- 
vantage, show up very poorly. 

The author made an extensive study of Negro ability 
to learn, using for the purpose the marble-sorting 
apparatus mentioned above. The comparisons arp 
shown in Figures 30 and 31. 



204 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 











1 












"^ 















- — 


i 
1 























' . 








/^,fJO 










1 






1 






r 


'/i 
















^s^s 



I'iGURE 30. Frequency Surfaces showing the distribution of white 
children and negro cliildren in ability to learn as determined by 
the marble-sorting experiment. Solid line represents negro child- 
ren ; broken line, white children. 




Figure 31. Graphs showing the learning capacity of negroes and 
whites, ages nine to fifteen ; upper graphs represent whites ; lower 
graphs, negroes; broken lines, girls; solid lines, boys. 



DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY 205 



TABLE 32. 

A PER CENT. COMPARISON OF CHINESE WITH AMERICAN CHILDREN. 

Age. 12 13 14 15 16 17 Av. 

Rote memory Boys 125 118 122 116 122 109 117.0 

Girls 122 114 103 102 97 112 108.3 

Logical memory Boys 82.2 77.3 85.2 89.1 90.1 99.6 87.3 

Girls 97.9 96.7 89.6 93.5 94.9 95.3 94.7 

Substitution Boys 91.3 85.6 93.0 81.8 83.4 96.6 88.6 

Girls 85.2 83.8 75.4 77.2 66.5 79.5 77.9 

Analogies Boys 23.1 33.1 42.5 39.1 40.4 37.8 36.0 

Girls 85.2 83.8 75.4 77.2 66.5 79.5 77.9 

Spot pattern Boys 116.0 100.0 80.6 65.2 98.1 82.4 90.4 

Average Boys 87.5 82.8 84.7 78.2 86.0 85.1 84.0 

Girls 81.7 84.1 73.5 74.3 69.5 78.6 77.0 

TABLE 33. 

The numbers in the table show the percentage which Negro 
ability is of the ability of white children: 

GIRLS. 

Ages 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Av. 

Logical memory, immediate 68 79 74 85 68 76 92 88 72 78.8 

Logical memory, delayed 90 88 52 86 51 75 68 115 81 79.6 

Rote memory, concrete 55 76 59 87 76 85 97 95 110 83.0 

Rote memory, abstract 44 61 45 56 66 69 84 79 96 69.8 

Substitution digit-symbol .12 36 23 38 29 50 60 43 67 43.7 

Opposites 25 47 30 55 46 55 60 63 68 53.7 

Genus-species 18 31 13 28 28 42 49 43 47 36.5 

Part-whole 21 47 28 43 49 53 61 50 45 46.6 

Word building 42 62 45 75 31 52 66 24 46 49.1 

BOYS. 

Logical memory, immediate 90 75 58 86 82 74 102 92 84 82.5 

Logical memory, delayed. .... 65 82 95 93 107 84 89 100 75 87.7 

Rote memory, concrete 57 69 58 60 74 79 86 104 102 76.5 

Rote memory, abseract 34 36 42 45 62 64 67 94 96 62.7 

Stubtstition digit-symbol 18 27 28 36 32 35 53 63 68 44.5 

Opposites 17 21 21 37 46 47 43 64 61 44.6 

Genus-species 17 16 16 23 28 21 27 32 34 25.3 

Part-whole 25 33 26 32 32 45 54 50 47 41.5 

Word building 7.5.. 50 66 48 45 50 21 51 77 48.1 

When Negro children are compared with white 
children v/ith reference to learning capacity alone, it 
is found that only about seven and one-half per cent, 
reach the median for whites, while ninety-two and one- 
half per cent, of the whites exceed the Negro median. 
In general mentality as shown in Table 33 about one- 
fifth of the Negroes are equal or superior to the average 
of the whites. Three fourths of the whites are equal 
or superior to the average of the Negroes. 



206 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Causes of Individual Differences. — The causes of 
individual differences in learning capacity may be 
grouped under two heads, (1) hereditary and (2) 
environmental. The great influence of hereditary 
factors is shov^n by such studies as Galton's study of 
twins, Thorndike's study of twins, Goddard's study of 
the causes of feeble-mindedness, Galton's studies of 
hereditary genius, and by various studies of learning 
capacity. 

Galton found that twins that were alike remained 
alike in spite of difference in treatment, and that twins 
that were unlike remained unlike in spite of similarity 
of treatment. Thorndike found the resemblance 
among twins to be greater than the resemblance among 
siblings. Goddard's extensive studies of feeble-mind- 
edness show heredity to be the chief cause of mental 
defect. In fact, Goddard's figures seem to show that 
feeble-mindedness is Mendelian and recessive. In 
Galton's studies, although there is always the queston 
as to the part played by favorable family influences 
and training, there seems no question of the prepon- 
derant influence of heredity. In learning experiments, 
it is found that practice does not eliminate differences. 
In some cases, practice decreases, somewhat, individual 
differences, but in no case does it eliminate them. All 
careful experiments in learning show not only that 
ability to learn is a definite characteristic, but that 
final efficiency at any performance is definitely de- 
pendent upon native, inherent factors, that seem as 
definite and characteristic as are a person's height 
and weight, or any other physical features. When a 
group of subjects are started on a learning experiment, 
after a short time, they assume characteristic, definite. 



DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY 207 

relative positions, that remain constant except for 
minor fluctuations, which are due to temporary causes. 

In the pubUc schools, it is found that children early 
in the grades assume a position in ability with refer- 
ence to their fellows which remains fairly constant in 
the later grades. For a pupil to be poor in one grade 
and good in a later grade is the exception, and probably 
has some clear explanation other than native ability. 
As a rule, bright children continue to be bright and 
dull children continue to be dull in spite of what may 
happen to them. Special attention has now been given 
to subnormal children for many years. It is found that 
even when they are taken early and given the best 
training that science is able to give, they remain sub- 
normal in as true a sense as they retain their hair-color 
or their facial features. 

One of the strongest arguments for the influence of 
hereditary factors comes from a theoretical considera- 
tion. Biological studies in heredity show that the 
structure of living tissues is dependent upon hereditary 
forces. The brain in its structural aspects falls within 
the general category of causality, is a product of hered- 
ity. The differences in the nervous development of 
different classes and species of animals are clearly 
hereditary, so also are the smaller differences within 
the human race. No one would probably deny that the 
tremendous difference between the idiot and the genius 
is due primarily to differences in brain structure. 
There seems no doubt that smaller mental differences 
are also due chiefly to differences in hereditary brain 
structure. 

An important fact pointing to the influence of here- 
dity comes from studies concerned with training in 



208 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

mental functions. It seems that training has no very- 
great influence on simple functions, such as reaction 
time, mental span, speed of association, sensory dis- 
crimination. The ordinary experiences of life bring 
these and other simple mental functions to approxi- 
mately their full possibilities. Much improvement is 
possible in the case of complex mental functions, but 
such improvements are not due to fundamental 
changes in native ability but to tricks and schemes of 
method and procedure; in most cases they are due to 
the establishing and perfection of some bond or other. 
Environmental Influences. — The relative importance 
of heredity and environment in the life of an individual 
is a question that has been much discussed, and on 
which people have very different opinions. There is 
really no room for difference of opinion. An appeal to 
the facts shows that heredity and environment are 
complementary, that each makes its own contribution, 
and which the other can not make. The bodies that we 
have, with their bones and muscles and nerves, come 
from our ancestors ; they are the gift of the past. We 
are tall or short, heavy or thin, light or dark, because 
of heredity. Our nervous systems on which all educa- 
tional influences must work, are the gifts of heredity. 
The value and efficiencies of these nervous systems 
range all the way from near zero to those having almost 
infinite possibilities. Heredity gives us the raw 
material on which educational influences work. This 
raw material has its possibilities and its limitations. 
Education cannot transcend these limitations. But 
while social influences are limited to the material which 
heredity gives, they are of very great importance. 
What this importance is, we must now see. 



DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY 209 

The statistical studies of Cattell show well the im- 
portance of environment. He found that the Southern 
states have contributed very few men of science as 
compared to the New England states. The man of the 
South is very much the same sort of man as his brother 
of the North. He does not go into science because the 
influences do not urge him in that direction. He be- 
comes a land owner, a man of affairs. In New England 
are our greatest universities. The influences there are 
such as to invite to an educational career, to science, to 
letters. Nature determines what is possible for us to 
do. The kind of work in which we actually engage is 
largely determined by the influences which surround us. 

The relative importance of heredity and environment 
is well illustrated by musical ability. Suppose that 
somewhere in the "backwoods'* of the mountains a 
child is born having in it the possibilities of a great 
pianist. If the circumstances of life are such that this 
child never even sees a piano, he will never become a 
pianist. On the other hand, there are children who 
can never become great pianists, although all the in- 
fluences of wealth and science combine to make them. 
The fact is that heredity and environment combine and 
give us the outcome of every life. Every act of our 
lives is the resultant of what we are and of the in- 
fluences that work upon us. The same influences do not 
get the same result from different people because the 
people are different. If you lay side by side on an anvil, 
a piece of glass and a piece of iron and strike them both 
with equal force, the glass is crumbled to bits, the iron 
is scarcely dented. The forces that act upon them are 
the same, but the things are different. So it is with 
people. The same influences that save one boy to good- 



210 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

ness and usefulness sometimes fail to save others, 
becaitse the others are different and do not give the 
same response to the same stimulus. In the same 
school room the same educational influences work upon 
all the pupils, but some learn fast and others slowly. 
But what we must not lose sight of is that each can 
(earn something. Education can make each different 
from v/hat he would otherwise have been. It can not 
make them all alike, it can not make them equally 
efficient, but it can make each more efficient than he 
would otherwise have been. It is well that we recog- 
nise the truth; it is well that we know the facts and 
face them squarely. Social reformers often make the 
mistake of assuming that the same causes will always 
produce the same effect. The same effect is produced 
only when the same causes act upon the same or equal 
things. And nothing in the world is more unequal 
than human beings. On the one hand, we have the 
idiot that can scarcely be taught to feed itself; on the 
other, is a Newton, or a Shakespeare. 

The School and Individual Differences. — Both scien- 
tific studies and common observation show us that there 
are great individual differences in learning capacity. 
The practical question is : What are we to do about it ? 
The school can not ignore them. It must take them 
into account. By means of scientific measurements 
and on the basis of actual achievements in the school, 
the children should be divided into classes according to 
their abihty to learn. A child should be put into a class 
with other children having about the same ability. 
When this is done, it is possible for us to do what is 
best for each child. Some can go fast; others more 
slowly. Not only will the different groups have differ- 



DIFFERENCES IN LEARNING CAPACITY 211 

ent learning capacity, but they should learn, to some 
extent, different things, in preparation for filling 
widely different places in the world. The distinctly 
sub-normal children should have a very different course 
from that pursued by the great majority of normal 
children. To make this possible, they should be separ- 
ated from the other children. Their education should 
be almost wholly manual. The unusually bright 
children should also be put into classes by themselves 
to make it possible for us to do the right thing for them. 
They are to be the leaders of the coming generation. 
In every case, we are to do for each child what is best 
for each. The dull child has its claim upon us as well 
as does the bright. We put them into different classes 
only to enable us to do what is best for them. 

EXPERIMENTS AND EXERCISES. 
1. All the experiments so far performed may be 
used to show individual differences. Frequency sur- 
faces can be plotted for each learning test, and for the 
combined scores worked out in the exercises of the 
preceding chapter. What is the range betv/een the 
best and poorest in the several tests ? In the combined 
results ? 

REFERENCES. 

Bonser, F. G., The selective significance of reasoning ahiliiif 
tests, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 187. 

Brown, W., Some experimental results in the correlation of 
mental abilities, B. J. P., Ill, 1910, 296. 
Mental Measurement, 1911. 

Dashiell, J. F., The effects of practice upon two ynental tests, 
3. E. P., XI, 1920, 151. 

Donovan, M. E. and Thorndike, E. L., Improvement in a irrac- 
tice exiKriment under school conditions, A. J. P., XXIV, 1913, 
426. 

Gray, C. T., A comparisGn of two types of learning by means of 
a stibstitution test, J. E. P., IX, 1918, 143. 



212 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



Kiug, I. and Homan, T. B., Logical memory and school grades, 
J. E. P., IX, 1918, 262. 

McCall, W. A., Correlation of some psychological and educa- 
tional measurements, 1916. 

Pyle, W. H., aucl Collings, P. E., The mental and physical develop- 
ment of rural children. S. and S. VIII, 1918, 534. 

Pyle. W. H.. A study of the mental and physical characteristics 
of the Chinese, S. and S., VIII, 1918, 264. 

The mentality of negro children S. and S. 1915, p. 357. Psych. 
Bui. XIII, 191G, 82. 

Simpson, B. R., Correlations of mental ahilities, 1912. 

Stickland, G. I., The influejice of practice on the correlation of 
ahilities, J. E. P., IX, 1918, 393. 

Race, H. V., A study of a class of children of superior intelli- 
gence, J. E. P., IX, 1918, 91. 

Strong, E, K., An interesting sex difference, Ped. Sem., XXII, 
1915, 521. 

Wells, F. L. and Henmon, V. A. C, Concerning individual dif- 
ferences in reactio?i time, P. R., XXI, 1914, 153. 

Wells, F. L., The relation of practice to individual differences, 
A. J. P., XXIII, 1912, 75. 

Whitley, M. T., An iminrical study of certain tests for indi- 
vidual differences. Arch, of Psych., No. 19, 1911. 

Wyatt, S., The quantitative investigation of higher mental 
lyrocesses, B. J. P., VI, 1913, 109. 

Whipple, G. M., Classes for gifted children, 1919. 



Chapter XI. 
TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE. 

Nature of the Problem. — The problem of this chapter 
may be stated in the following words : Will the forma- 
tion of one habit either help or hinder in the formation 
of another ? Will the acquiring of one bit of knowledge 
help or hinder in acquiring other knowledge ? If I have 
learned to operate a typewriter having a certain key- 
board will it be either easier or more difficult to learn to 
operate a typewriter having a different keybord? If 
one has learned to run an automobile will it be either 
easier or more difficult to learn to run a machine which 
has different types of levers and pedals ? In the field of 
knowledge, does the learning of one language make the 
learning of a different language easier ? Will the study 
of history make the acquisition of mathemathics easier ? 
In general, are the results of learning narrow and 
specific, or, are there general effects also ? 

The problem raised here is of far-reaching theoretical 
and practical significance. It involves the very founda- 
tion principles of education, and we must face it at 
every turn in practice. It involves our fundamental 
conception of the nature of mind. Is the mind an entity, 
a unity, of such a nature that it gains strength by exer- 
cise ? If so, then the effects of all learning are general, 
and it will make little if any difference v/hat the mind 
does, for whatever it does gives it strength to do other 
things. One can train the muscles of his arms by one 

[213] 



214 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

sort of exercise and his arms will then have strength 
to do other things. I can strengthen my arms by chop- 
ping and they will have strenght for hoeing. Can I 
likewise train my mind by studying mathematics so 
that it will then have power to work in other fields? 
Our answer to these questions will color our whole 
scheme of education. If the results of training are spe- 
cific, then we should learn those things which we most 
need to know, without any reference to their general 
effects. If the results of training are general, then we 
should pick out as the studies for our curriculum those 
branches which are best for the exercise of the mind. 

Much of the misconception and misunderstanding 
with reference to this problem have been due to a mis- 
conception of the nature of mind. Modern psychology 
does not look upon the mind as an entity that functions 
as a unity and that can gain strength as a whole in 
the same sense that is true of a muscle. Mind is a 
complex, mosaic, of sensation, perception, idea, feeling, 
and depends in every process upon an almost infinitely 
complicated nervous structure. Modem conceptions of 
the nature of learning also put a different aspect on the 
problem. In the case of habit-formation, we couple a 
muscular response to a sensory stimulus. In the case 
of ideational learning, very definite brain processes 
which underlie the ideas are coupled together. Whether 
the formation of one such bond has any facilitating or 
inhibiting effect on the formation of another is an ex- 
perimental question which can not be answered on a 
priori grounds. Let us turn to the experiments. 

Historical and Critical. — Experimentation in this field 
lies almost v/holly in the last twenty years. One 
would think that in twenty years a question so simple 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 215 

and straightforward as this could have been definitely 
settled. But such is not the case. It is not definitely- 
settled. There is not agreement among psychologists 
themselves, not to mention those who have no scientific 
knowledge of the question. There has been much ex- 
perimentation. The literature is large. But very few 
experiments have been done with sufficient thorough- 
ness and attention to scientific detail to merit the 
respect of an impartial investigator. As one reads the 
experimental literature, one seldom feels, with refer- 
ence to any experiment, that it is final, that it settles 
that aspect of the question with which it deals. Few 
experimenters have repeated their experiments again 
and again, to see if every result confirmed every other. 
Too often the article reporting the experiments is only 
a "preliminary report." One usually searches the lite- 
rature in vain to find a **full report" of the "main stu- 
dy." In more than one case, an experimenter has re- 
ported his results and given his inferences, while ano- 
ther psychologist would claim that different inferences 
were warranted from the results. Thorndike's infer- 
ences have been so questioned by Judd; Winch's, by 
Sleight. If educational psychologists are to command 
the respect of a scientific world, they must do their 
v/ork with such thoroughness that it will stand the tests 
of repetition and criticism. Too often a class exper- 
iment that is scarcely worth anything as a mere demon- 
stration is published as having scientific value. 

A Statement of Method. — Before reviewing the ex- 
perimental literature it will be well to make some en- 
quiry as to the type of experiment required in solving 
our problem. We must take a group of subjects and 
have them form a habit which we shall call "X," and 



216 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

then have them form another habit, "Y," and determine 
whether the formation of "Y" was easier because of 
their having previously formed habit '*X." But how 
are we to know whether the second habit is easier of 
formation than the first ? The only way we can be sure 
of this point is to have a second group form the second 
habit. The only difference between the groups must 
be that one has formed habit ''X," and the other has 
not. Both are to form the second habit; only one is to 
form the first. The groups must be equal in every 
other respect; or, if not equal, the differences must be 
accounted for. Of course, if there is any way of com- 
paring the difficulty of the two habits, the control group 
is not necessary. If, for example, we know that two 
habits are of equal difficulty, then we can. have our 
subjects form first one, then the other. If the second 
is formed more easily than the first, then we can say 
that the effects of the first are favorable in the forma- 
tion of the second. In some cases, such procedure is 
permissible. 

Much of the earlier experimentation is worthless be- 
cause the experimenter used no control group. Some of 
the later experiments also suffer from this defect. 
Ebert and Meumann's extensive memory experiments 
are worthless because of the lack of a control group. 
These experimenters gave their subjects practice in 
one aspect of memorising, and found improvement in 
other aspects. Later, Dearborn repeated the experi- 
ments and found that the control group improved about 
as much as Meumann's group that had the practice. 
Further explanation will make the matter of method 
clear. Suppose there are ten aspects of memory, and 
we wish to learn whether training in aspect number 5 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 217 

will improve all the other nine aspects. We take a 
group of people and measure all 10 aspects of memory ; 
we then train the group in aspect number 5 until there 
is great improvement and then measure again in the 
other nine aspects. Suppose we find that there is im- 
provement in all the other nine aspects ; we can not say- 
that it is due to the practice in number 5, because, for 
all we know to the contrary, the group might have made 
this improvement without the practice. It may be that 
if we give the ten tests and then wait a few weeks and 
give ten similar tests again, there will be considerable 
improvement. In fact, such is usually the case. We must, 
therefore, in an experiment of this kind, take two 
groups and give one group the initial and final tests and 
give the other group the same initial and final tests and 
the special practice besides. Then whatever differences 
in the final tests are not otherwise accounted for, may 
be considered to be due to the practice. 

Evidence from Card-sorting. — A very simple experi- 
ment in card-sorting will serve to bring the problem of 
transfer clearly before us. Suppose we take a card- 
sorting apparatus which has on each side six rows of 
five boxes each, thirty boxes on each side, sixty in all. 
Suppose we learn a row a day until we have learned the 
12 rows. Will the mastery of each succeeding row be 
easier because of our having learned the rows before? 
The answer is yes. The following record is typical : A 
subject spends six days with one side of the box. Each 
row has different numbers from the preceding rows. 
Each succeeding row is learned with greater ease. 
After waiting two weeks, the other side of the box is 
learned. This other side has the same numbering as 
the first side, but the numbers are differently arranged. 



218 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

The average number of cards sorted per minute for the 
first six rows were 53, 60, 64, 67, 75, 79. For the next 
six rows, the records were 78, 80, 80, 84, 91, 90. These 
records would raise a very strong suspicion in any mind 
to the effect that learning to sort cards into a row of 
numbered boxes would make learning to sort into a row 
of boxes with different numbers easier. We wonder 
whether all subjects will behave as did this one. Such 
proves to be the case. The author has repeated the ex- 
periment with different subjects and different groups 
and in all cases it is found that learning to sort cards 
into one row of numbered boxes makes learning to sort 
into another roiv ivith different numbers, easier. 

The experiment just described was repeated with a 
group of 47 students. The group, however, sorted for 
only five days, learning a new rov/ each day. Ten sort- 
ings a day were made in each case. The average time 
in seconds for each of the five successive rows was as 
follov7s: 23.2, 20.5, 19.7, 18.7, 18.2. The average time 
for the fifth row was 27 per cent, less than for the first 
row. The single subject reported above reached an 
efficiency on the fifth day 41 per cent, better than was 
reached on the first day with the first row. 

Still another card-sorting experiment was performed 
as follows : A group of four university students sorted 
cards for fifteen days, using one side of the box contain- 
ing 30 compartments, then fifteen days using the other 
side of the box having the same number of compart- 
ments. The thirty boxes on one side had the same num- 
bers as the boxes on the other side, but the arrange- 
ment of the numbers v/as different. In the sorting of 
the second period, therefore, the habits of the first 
period had to be broken up. In spite of the inhibition 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 



219 



from the first set of habits, on the fifth day of the sec- 
ond experiment, a speed was reached as great as that 
attained in fifteen days in the first part of the experi- 
ment. The results of this experiment are shown 
graphically in Figure 32. 




Figure 32. Learning Curves, Card-sorting Experiment. The 
lower curve shows the results of fifteen days sorting with one 
scheme of numbering ; the upper curve shows the results of a second 
sorting of fifteen days, with a different numbering of the boxes. 



220 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

These simple experiments leave no doubt that the 
experience gained from sorting cards into one row of 
boxes makes it easier to learn to sort into another row 
of boxes having different numbers, or having the same 
numbers differently arranged. Two important ques- 
tions now arise. (1) What are the causes of this im- 
provement in ability to learn? (2) Does the improve- 
ment in ability to learn extend to other kinds of learn- 
ing? The second question we shall leave for later dis- 
cussion. The first question can be partially answered 
now. (1) Facility was gained in manipulating the cards. 
This increased facility improved the scores from day to 
day. Proof that increased facility is a factor comes 
from the following experiment: Two subjects were re- 
quired to deal a set of playing cards into a compart- 
ment. The time became less from day to day. The 
records for the two subjects for 15 days were as fol- 
lows : 

Sub- 
ject. Days 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 

A 17.6 14.6 11.9 10.5 9.7 9.5 8.5 7.7 7.5 6.9 5.9 5.4 5.3 4.9 4.9 

B 20.0 16.8 16.2 16.0 13.2 12.9 10.3 8.8 9.2 7.7 6.3 6.2 6.0 5.9 6.9 

The records are in terms of seconds required to deal 
out the 52 cards, all into the same compartment. It will 
be seen that the time required the 12th day was about 
70 per cent, less than that required the first day. See 
figure 6, page 25. 

(2) A second probable factor was increased ability to 
recognize the numbers of the cards. (3) A third factor 
was the learning of schemes by which the locations of 
numbers were associated and fixed. It is possible that 
subjects learn how to hold themselves to the task and 
resist distracting influences. One also learns how to 
hold the body, how to use the hands to best advantage. 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 221 

how to get the cards out of the pack in the quickest 
way. All of these factors and probably others operate 
to reduce the time of learning the successive rows of 
boxes. 

Other Similar Experiments. — Coover and Angell find 
that practice in card-sorting increases efficiency in 
typewriting. Bair's experiments are identical with the 
card-sorting experiments of the author's reported in the 
paragraphs above, except that he used the typewriter, 
requiring his subjects to master successive tjrpes of 
keyboard. He changed the keys from one experiment 
to another by putting caps on them. Six labeled keys 
constituted a series, and 20 series were learned. The 
average number of seconds required by four subjects 
for the first series was 73.4. For the twentieth series 
the time was 57.5, or 21 per cent. less. 

Experiments in Memorising. — ^We shall pass over the 
early experiments of James and their repetition by 
Peterson without comment. As is well known, James 
took the position that memory in. the sense of retention 
could not be improved. The most extensive experi- 
ments on the transfer of memory training have been 
performed by Fracker, Winch, and Sleight. The exten- 
sive experiments of Ebert and Meumann were repeated 
by Dearborn. As was mentioned above, Ebert and 
Meumann did not use a control group. Dearborn gave 
a group the initial and final tests to determine how 
much of the improvement which the German experi- 
menters attributed to the practice was due to improve- 
ment from the initial to the final test. He found that 
the improvement of the final test over the first was 
about as much as the improvement of Ebert and Meu- 
mann^s training group. In some cases, the improve- 
ment was more. 



222 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Fracker trained a group in memorising the order of 
four different intensities of the same tuning fork, and 
determined the spread of improvement to similar per- 
formances such as memory for four grays, and to dis- 
similar performances, such as mem^ory for poetry, geo- 
metrical figures, etc. In the similar memorising, the 
improvement was 16 per cent, more than the control 
group. In the dissimilar memories, the improvement 
was only 3.75 per cent, more than the control group. 

Winch performed two series of experiments on Lon- 
don school children. One group was trained in memo- 
rising poetry, and the transfer to memory for prose 
material in geography and history was determined. In 
one case the improvement was 10 per cent, more than 
the control group, and in another, 5 per cent. In a sec- 
ond series of experiments the training group was prac- 
ticed in the rote memorising of meaningful and also of 
meaningless material. The transfer of the training to 
substance memory was determined. The transfer was 
very slight; the residual gain over the control group 
was about 3.3 per cent, on the initial ability. 

The most extensive and careful experiments on the 
transfer of memory training are those of Sleight. He 
trained one group in memorising poetry, another in 
memorising tables, and another in memorising prose. 
He gave initial and final tests in many different aspects 
of memorising. His results show that training in one 
aspect of memorising gives little or no increased effi- 
ciency in other types of memorising. Sleight conducted 
two independent experiments, one with school children 
and one with two classes of v/omen students 18 to 19 
years old. The results obtained from the latter are 
shown in Table 34. The column to the left shows the 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 223 

aspect of memory tested. Group 1 was the unpracticed 
group; group 2 was practiced in poetry; group 3, in 
learning tables; group 4, in learning the substance of 
prose. The figures indicate the improvement divided by 
the standard deviation. The practice covered a period 
of twelve days, one-half hour a day. A study of the table 
shows that there is no general improvement of mem- 
ory. In nine cases the unpracticed group improved more 
in the aspects of memory tested than did the practiced 
group. In three cases the practiced group made a poorer 
record in the final tests than they had made in the ini- 
tial tests. 

TABLE 34. 
Aspect of Memory 

Tested. Group. Gain. 

Dates Group 1 Unpracticed 3 

Group 2 Practiced in poetry S5 

Group 3 Practiced in tables _ 63 

Group 4 Practiced in prose substance... — 1 

Nonsense syllables Group 1 Unpracticed - 66 

Group 2 Poetry 100 

Group 3 Tables 75 

Group 4 Prose substance 4 

Poetry Group 1 Unpracticed 14 

Group 2 Poetry 47 

Group 3 Tables —12 

Group 4 Prose substance 7 

Prose, literal Group 1 Unpracticed 35 

Group 2 Poetry 43 

Group 3 Tables —1 

Group 4 Prose substance 18 

Prose, substance Group 1 Unpracticed 16 

Group 2 Poetry 8 

Group 3 Tables 65 

Group 4 Prose Substance 68 

Letters Group 1 Unpracticed 34 

Group 2 Poetry 9 

Group 3 Tables 30 

Group 4 Prose substance 7 

A study of Table 34 shows that practice in learning 
poetry and tables gives facility in learning dates but 



224 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

not in learning prose substance. Practice in learning 
poetry gives more facility in learning nonsense syllables, 
but very little more in learning tables than the unprac- 
ticed group gained, and not nearly so much gain in 
learning prose substance as was gained by the unprac- 
ticed group. These examples are sufficient to enable the 
reader to interpret the table. 

Interpretation of Memory Experiments.— -The mem- 
ory experiments are essentially the same as the card- 
sorting experiments first discussed. In card-sorting, the 
subjects spent a certain period of time in fixing the 
association between a certain series of numbers and 
their corresponding boxes. They then built up another 
series of connections between other numbers and other 
boxes. We found that the first experience facilitated 
the later habit-formation. In the memory experiments, 
the subjects were given practice in building up the 
bonds necessary to enable them to recite, verbatim, 
poetry. It was found that this experience gave in- 
creased facility in learning dates and nonsense syllables, 
slightly increased facility in learning prose verbatim, 
but none in learning prose substance or in learning let- 
ters. Practice in learning tables gave increased facility 
in learning dates and prose substance, slight increase 
in learning nonsense syllables, but none in learning 
poetry or prose verbatim or letters. Practice in learn- 
ing prose substance did not give increased facility in 
learning any of the other types of material. All the 
memory experiments are in substantial agreement. 
They show that experience in one type of learning may 
either facilitate or hinder another type. 

Discriminative Judgments. — The experiments to be 
reported under this head are quite different from those 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 225 

above discussed. They consisted in giving subjects prac- 
tice in making a certain type of judgments, and then 
determining whether this practice facihtated or hin- 
dered the making of other types of judgements. In one 
type of experiment the judgment of experimenters is 
unanimous. In reaction experiments, practice in react- 
ing to stimuli in one sense department gives facility in 
reaction to stimuli from other sense departments. Gil- 
bert and Fracker, for example, found that simple and 
choice reactions to sound stimuli reduced the reaction 
time to touch and visual stimuli. He did not, however, 
use a control group. Coover and Angell did in similar 
experiments, and obtained a similar result. 

Thomdike and Woodworth gave subjects practice in 
estimating various types of magnitude, such as lines, 
and surfaces, and weights. They found the effects of 
practice very narrow. Training in the estimation of 
the lengths of lines gave facility in estimating similar 
lengths but not in the case of lines very much longer 
or shorter. Judd however finds that practice in judg- 
ments of location of lines in one position facilitated 
similar judgments when the lines were in different posi- 
tions, and that the influence of practice in making judg- 
ments concerning the Mliller-Lyer illusion figure, was 
effective when judgments were made with the figure 
under different conditions. The situation with refer- 
ence to this type of experiment is not so clear as in the 
case of the other experiments so far considered. There 
has not been sufficient repetition of experiments in the 
field of discriminative judgments to settle the question 
of the extent of transfer. 

Experiments in Cross Education. — Experimenters 
are in agreement here. We need not go into a detailed 



226 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

description of the experiments. A general statement 
will suffice. The most obvious fact here is that after 
we have learned to write with our right hand, we can 
write with some degree of legibility with the left hand. 
Further illustrations are as follows : Practice with the 
right hand in tapping improves the left. Practice in 
touch discrimation of one side increases the sensi- 
tivity on the other. Experiments with one eye in cer- 
tain experiments with perspective are effective on the 
other eye. In general, practice which directly affects 
one side of the body has an indirect influence on the 
other side. 

Transfer of Knowledge. — A few typical experiments 
will show the results of the transfer of knowledge to 
the mastery of a new situation. Judd tested subjects in 
shooting at a target under water. The subjects who 
knew the physical principle of refraction involved were 
able more readily to adjust themselves to a change in 
the depth of the target under water than was the case 
with those subjects who did not know this principle. 

Hyde and Leuba found that practice in reading Ger- 
man script made the mastery of writing it somewhat 
easier, although this effect was limited. The author 
performed a similar experiment in card-sorting. If one 
subject sorts cards for two days, while another sub- 
ject instead of sorting the first day, merely studies the 
location of the boxes and then sorts on the second day, 
the result is that the person who studied the first day 
makes a better score the next day than would have been 
the case without the study. However, the score is not 
so good as if the person instead of studying the first 
day, had begun at once to sort the cards. It is clear 
that knowledge helps in habit-formation, but nothing 
can fully take the place of direct, actual practice. 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 227 

There have been many other experiments on transfer, 
that of Ruger with puzzles, and those of Bagley and 
Ruediger in neatness, as well as others which need not 
be described here. We have yet, however, to describe 
the most extensive experiment of all, most extensive in 
point of time and numbers involved. 

Rugg's Experiment. — Rugg gave a group of 326 sub- 
jects a semester of training in descriptive geometry. 
He compared them with a control group of 87 subjects 
who did not have the training in descriptive geometry. 
The 326 subjects were freshman engineers. The con- 
trol group was made up of 72 students in the school of 
education, and 15 in the college of engineering. It is 
unfortunate that the control group was not similar to 
the training group. The control and practice groups 
were given initial and final tests in non-geometrical 
material, quasi-geometrical material, and geometrical 
material. The non-geometrical material consisted in 
mental division, two tests, and in making words using 
the letters in the word M-A-T-E-R-I-A-L. The quasi- 
geometrical test was a test in straight-line lettering. 
There were two geometrical tests, one which Rugg calls 
the painted cube test and the other a test in imaging 
objects and determining how many lines would be neces- 
sary to construct them in space. The painted cube test 
was this: A three-inch cube is painted on all sides, 
how many one-inch cubes have paint on three sides? 
On tv/o sides? On one side? On no side? 

Results.^ — In one of the division tests, the practice 
group lacked .9 per cent, doing as well in the final ex- 
periment as did the control group. In the other division 
test, the residual gain of the practice group over the 
control group was 15.78 per cent. The average residual 



228 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

gain in these two experiments was 7.44 per cent. In the 
word-building test, the residual gain of the practice 
group was 13.37 per cent. As this test was given, it 
was subject to direct influence from the practice in 
descriptive geometry. Holding the word and the let- 
ters in mind would be easier by virtue of the practice in 
visualising in descriptive geometry. The improvement 
in the quasi-geometrical test was 20.4 per cent. ; while 
the improvement in geometrical material was 31.25 per 
cent. In each case, the gain is the residual gain over 
the control group. These, then, are the residual gains 
for the three types of test, — 7.44 per cent., 20.4 per 
cent., and 31.25 per cent. Or, if we average the word- 
building test in with the two division tests, we have for 
the non-geometrical tests, a residual gain of 9.42 per 
cent. 

This criticism should be passed on the experiment. 
While the division tests are non-geometrical, they are 
mathematical and the engineers would have more train- 
ing in mathematical calculations during the semester 
than would the 72 education students. All the tests are 
too closely allied to the practice in descriptive geometry. 
Why did not Rugg test his two groups in something 
further removed from the practice, say in learning the 
English equivalents of Latin words or Chinese words. 
As the experiment stands, however, it falls in line with 
the other experiments already reported. Some transfer 
is shown. While Rugg tries to account for all the vari- 
ous factors that are likely to influence the results of his 
experiment, the impartial reader is likely to feel that 
the statistical method after all can not solve this par- 
ticular problem. The ultimate solution will probably 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 229 

come from extensive studies of a few subjects, with 
every factor under control or accounted for. 

Starch and Hewins have also used regular school 
room studies in investigating the question of transfer. 
Starch uses eight students in his practice group and 
seven in the control group. He gave the former 14 
days practice in mental multiplication and determined 
the effect of the practice on other mathematical opera- 
tions and on immediate memory span. The drill group 
made a residual gain of 29 per cent, in the arithmetical 
operations but practically no gain in immediate memory 
span. 

Summary of the Evidence. — We have now reviewed 
the results of the more important studies. We have not 
discussed several of the minor studies, but reference to 
all is made in the bibliography at the end of the chapter. 
What is the outcome? From all the important studies 
we get evidence that an experience may affect a later 
experience. What we do today determines and limits in 
some measure what we can do tomorrow. The forma- 
tion of habit X today can facilitate the formation of 
habit Y tomorrow, while it may interfere with the for- 
mation of habit Z. Knowledge which I acquire today 
may facilitate what I undertake to do tomorrow, but 
it may also hinder by giving an attitude or a mode of 
attack not applicable. Into the interpretation or mas- 
tery of a new experience, we carry our old experience. 
Some aspects of the old experience will be available in 
mastering the new; other aspects will not, and may 
actually hinder in mastering the new. 

Interpretation and Explanation of the Results. — The 
following factors probably explain most of the phe- 
nomena of transfer: 



230 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

(1) Identical elements, (a) In habit-formation. If 
habit X is formed, and afterward, a complex habit Y is 
formed — a habit in which X is a constituent part — 
then Y is more easily formed because of the previous 
formation of habit X. To illustrate: Addition is a 
part of multiplication. Multiplication is more easily 
mastered if addition is previously mastered. In general, 
mastery of any process will facilitate the mastery of 
any other process in which the one first mastered is a 
constituent part, (b) In knowledge-getting. What is 
true in habit-formation is also true in knowledge-get- 
ting. Acquiring one bit of knowledge facilitates the 
acquisition of other related knowledge. The mastery 
of zoology is easier after the mastery of botany, for 
many facts are common to the two sciences, and their 
methods are largely the same, the tools of study and 
investigation, largely the same. For example, one 
learns to use the microscope in one study and this skill 
is profitable in the other. One learns many facts about 
cells, development, and heredity in the one that con- 
tribute to an understanding of the other. Similarly, 
mastery of Latin assists in the study of French because 
of common elements in the vocabularies. Higher math- 
ematics involves algebra ; physics and chemistry involve 
mathematics. In general, any study will be more easily 
mastered if the learner has previously acquired knowl- 
edge that contributes to an understanding or explana- 
tion of the principles of this study, or a method that can 
be successfully used in it. 

(2) Attitudes, and Methods of Attack. — In learning 
one thing, a person not only forms a definite habit or 
gets definite knowledge, but gets a general scheme of 
attack, a point of view or a method that will be carried 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 231 

into other situations. In sorting cards into one row of 
boxes, one not only fonns the definite bonds involved, 
but forms schemes of association which assist the mem- 
ory and are available in learning to sort into a different 
row of boxes. In mastering any study, one not only 
masters the content of that study, but learns a certain 
method of mastery, and this method he carries into the 
mastery of another study. Some aspects of the method 
may be applicable in that other study, some may not. 
In solving puzzles, as Ruger found, subjects learn cer- 
tain principles, certain schemes of solving puzzles which 
are applied to the solution of new puzzles. They may 
work, they may not, it depends on the puzzle. In 
science one learns always to look for causes. One comes 
to take the attitude that every phenomenon has a cause. 
This attitude of looking for causes, the scientist carries 
into the solution of new problems. The mathematician 
forms the general attitude of trying to get a quantita- 
tive statement to apply to every fact or condition. He 
always wants to get some sort of graph or curve to see 
what light it may throw on the nature of his data. The 
lawyer, the doctor, the minister, form attitudes peculiar 
to their profession. Out of most studies, there come, 
therefore, not only specific content of habit and knowl- 
edge, but by-products of method, attitude, and definite 
schemes of orientation. 

(3) Ideals. Related to attitudes are ideals of accu- 
racy, ideals of thoroughness, ideals of intellectual hon- 
esty, ideals of perseverance, ideals of doing one's best 
under all circumstances, and these ideals may carry 
over into new experiences. Of course, ideals may have 
all degrees of generality, but whatever degree of gener- 
ality they have, they carry over from one experience to 



232 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

others. Honesty, for example, can be general or can 
apply only to certain types of situation. It is important 
to know that it can be general, and usually is general. 
A human being is very much of a piece, and general 
principles color our whole life. It may be, as Bagley 
holds, that ideals of neatness may be either specific or 
general, but it is important to know that they can have 
generality. All ideals have some degree of generality. 
Honesty and truthfulness, if we possess them at all, to 
some extent permeate our being and enter into all our 
acts. A person can form an ideal which will not allow 
him to do a poor piece of work. Such an ideal then af- 
fects all he does. He is unwilling to do anything poorly. 
On the other hand, one can have such an ideal which 
applies only to certain work. In doing other work, he 
will not care. But we do get ideals and we do carry 
them over to other work. 

(4) Confidence. Successful mastery of a problem or 
a process gives confidence in attacking similar prob- 
lems, and this confidence is no small factor in leading to 
success with these problems. It enables one to put 
forth all his energy and to persist till success comes. 
This factor is of unusual importance in education. For 
example, if a child is fortunate in his early experience 
with mathmetics, he succeeds. He likes it because he 
succeeds. He studies mathemathics more and more be- 
cause he likes it. The more he studies it, the more 
power he has in it. On the other hand if he is unfor- 
tunate, he does not like mathematics, he has not faith 
in his ability in it. As time goes by, he has less and 
less power in it because of neglect of it. And in general, 
success or failure has a great effect on our lives because 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 233 

of the effects they have on our future efforts. The man 
who succeeds, has more and more confidence in his abili- 
ties. He comes to attack all problems with great confi- 
dence, and this attitude has a great deal to do with 
continued success. While failure makes one distrust 
his powers, he attacks problems with a faint heart and 
little courage, and is doomed to failure. Success breeds 
success, and failure breeds failure. 

(5) Attention. There is no question that certain 
aspects of what we call attention can be trained and 
have some degree of generality. In the first place one 
can learn to stick to a task. One can learn in studying 
Latin, for example, to set apart certain hours for study, 
to take precautions not to be interrupted, to keep in 
good condition for study, etc. In taking up another 
study, all these habits, ideals and attitudes will be help- 
ful. There is a certain training in what may be called 
concentration, that is not a myth, but a very real thing. 
One can learn to gather himself together and devote 
himself to the task in hand, and this attitude of atten- 
tion will be helpful in every thing which he undertakes. 
The evidence seems pretty clear that, at least in the 
early life of children, we can somewhat extend the range 
of attention. One can learn through practice in so-called 
mental arithmetic, to hold things in mind and manipu- 
late them. Such training has, to some extent, general 
effects. The work of Aiken and Dallenbach seems to 
make it evident that we can, to some extent, improve 
certain aspects of attention, and that this improvement 
has some degree of permanence and generality. We 
can, then, be trained to stick to a task, to work with 
all our power while we are at it, and to hold facts in 



234 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

mind for mental manipulation. The influence of this 
training is not wholly narrow and specific. 

Other factors of transfer have been given by various 
writers, but they are merely other names for the fac- 
tors which we have enumerated. The fact is, all these 
factors might well be called, as done by Thomdike, 
identical elements. Habits, knowledge, ideals, and atti- 
tudes that result from our experience are carried into 
new experiences, and color and affect those new experi- 
ences. It could not be otherwise. We have nothing to 
carry into a new experience but our old experience. But 
it will be a mistake if we suppose that our old experi- 
ence will always be helpful, will always be adequate. 
We shall make a mistake if we assume that certain 
kinds of training will give the mind strength in general 
and make it able to cope with all kinds of situations. We 
form certain habits and acquire certain knowledge. 
This is all we have to help us in a new situation. Some 
knowledge and some habits will be much more helpful in 
a given situation than other habits and other knowledge. 
Furthermore, a habit is a specific thing. A certain 
stimulus touches off a definite response. The new situa- 
tion must have something corresponding to the definite 
stimulus or the response will not come. A certain bit 
of knowledge might help in a given situation, but it 
v/ill be of no avail unless something in the new situation 
brings the bit of knowledge to mind!. We sometimes 
speak of the mind having power and of increasing that 
power. But the only sense in which the mind can have 
power is in the person's possessing available habits and 
knowledge and methods applicable to the situation in 
question, and in the habits and knowledge being 
brought to bear through properly organised association. 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 235 

There is nothing mythical or mysterious about the 
whole matter. Either all experience transfers or none 
of it does ; it all depends on how we look at the matter. 
A given muscular response must have its adequate 
stimulus or it does not come. A needed idea does not 
come to consciousness except by some organised asso- 
ciative route. The mind has power if it has available 
and usable habits, knowledge, and attitudes. 

Generalised Experience. — The discussion of the pre- 
ceding paragraph leads us to consider a matter clearly 
presented by Judd, namely the importance of generalis- 
ing our experience. Whether and to what extent habits, 
knowledge, ideals, and attitudes function in a new ex- 
perience depend to a large extent upon their organisa- 
tion. In the various branches of study, one gets various 
facts about the world. These facts are abstract and 
isolated. To be useful in the future they must have an 
interorganisation that will make them available when 
they can be useful. One of the great dangers of school 
and college instruction is abstraction and isolation. We 
too often learn facts out of their natural setting, and 
when such setting comes, the facts do not come to mind 
because it has never really been coupled to that situa- 
tion. It is the duty of teachers and parents to assist 
children in learning things in as nearly as possible their 
natural setting and in making helpful and profitable 
associative connections, so that the knowledge will be 
usefully available in the future. Book-learning, as com- 
pared to learning from actual life-situations, is poor. To 
make effective a fact learned from a book, the fact must 
be coupled to our actual experience with the world of 
things, the world of forces, the world of people. It must 
be extended in its connections to all imagined or re- 



236 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

membered situations in which it is likely to be helpful. 
All isolated facts must be organised not only with ref- 
erence to our experience, but with reference to other 
facts, laws and principles, so that we can go in thought 
from one fact to other related facts. The mere having 
an experience is no guarantee that the experience will 
come up in memory and help us when it might be help- 
ful. Whether it comes or not depends on organization. 
Every phenomenon has intricate and far-reaching re- 
lations to other phenomena. For us to profit from our 
experience with a phenomenon, we must know its rela- 
tions. Truly knowing the phenomenon means knowing 
these relations. We do not know a fact in any helpful 
way until we have generalised it and carried the gen- 
eralisation over to its multitude of applications. This 
discussion carries us back to our previous discussion of 
meaning. The important thing about a fact is its mean- 
ing, its relation to the world of other facts. 

It turns out that those psychologists who hold to the 
specific nature of learning are right. All learning con- 
sists in bonds. But these bonds can be of such nature 
as to make our learning more or less generally avail- 
able. Indeed, our solution of a new problem will de- 
pend upon such general availability. If I can not solve 
a problem by using remembered facts and remembered 
methods or other methods which they suggest I am 
not likely to solve the problem, unless by fortunate acci- 
dent. Even the accident is likely to be the result of 
persistent attack which previous experience has taught 
me. 

Chemistry, physics, geology, history and all other 
subjects are useless taught merely as such. All their 
facts must be related by me to the life I live to be of 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 237 

use to me. Briefly, we are always to ask in the face of 
a new fact, what does it mean? What new Hght does 
it throw on my world? What are its consequences? 
What facts are related to it? In what generalisation 
does it find a place? What are the uses to be made 
of it? 

Formal Discipline. — What bearing have the facts 
which we have considered and the inferences we have 
drawn from them on the question of formal discipline ? 
To make our answer perfectly clear we must define for- 
mal discipline. The doctrine of formal discipline is that 
the mind gains strength through use and that this 
strength is generally available in whatever the mind 
undertakes to do. For example, one could spend many 
years studying mathematics, through this study the 
mind acquires strength to solve all its problems of 
v/hatever nature. There is no evidence that formal 
discipline in this sense has any foundation. Years spent 
in studying mathematics would, help us to solve prob- 
lems where mathematical knowledge would be helpful 
and where its method would be available, but would not 
help us to solve other problems. It is true that nearly 
all problems have a quantitative aspect. Mathematical 
facts and methods, therefore, have a wide application. 
But no mathematical knowledge would enable me to 
know whether to give a child, for a certain sickness, 
quinine or calomel. Mathematics will help me in solv- 
ing problems of quantity but not questions of quality. 
Of course, in the study of mathematics, I could acquire 
habits of application, habits of care, habits of honesty, 
that would be very useful in other studies. But the 
only sense in which mathematics, or any other study, 
can give me mental power is through the habits, knowl- 



238 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

edge, ideals, and attitudes which they give me. There- 
fore, every study must have in itself its only justifica- 
tion. Every study must stand on its own legs. I must 
study neither Latin nor zoology for any general myth- 
ical powers which they are supposed to give me, but for 
the habits, knowledge, and ideals which they do give 
me. If Latin has anything in itself worth while which 
I want, then I must study Latin, unless, perchance, I 
choose to study something else which will give me 
something which I think more worth while and want 
more. What, then, does Latin give me if I study it? If 
I study it long enough, it gives me the ability to read an 
old literature in its native tongue, which means to get 
certain ideas through other symbols than our ordinary 
English words. Is this literature, or any literature any 
better got through one form of symbols than through 
another? No, in so far as literary value depends on 
ideas, it makes no difference through what symbols we 
get the ideas. If the value of a piece of literature de- 
pends largely on its form, most of this value will be lost 
in translation. The Aeneid is a story which can be told 
in our language as well as in the dead Latin language. 
The same is true of all literature. 

What about algebra? Shall I study algebra? "Yes," 
if I want the tools which algebra gives me. "No," if 
I do not. To all studies, we should put the same ques- 
tion, What do you have for me? What is the specific 
contribution which you can make to my life? What 
knowledge can you give me which will help me to solve 
the problems which I shall have to solve ? What needed 
skill will you give me? Unless there is some specific 
contribution to be got from a study, I am not justified 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 239 

in studying it for such by-products as it may give me, 
for there are other studies which are valuable in them- 
selves and have the same by-products. I need not study 
Latin, nor Greek, nor Sanscrit, nor anything else to 
leam concentration when I can study something else 
more valuable in itself to my life in this present day, 
and which will serve just as well as a means of ac- 
quiring habits of application and concentration. 

Interference. — The problem to be considered here is 
the result of trying to form two mutually interfering 
habits at the same time. The most extensive experi- 
ments bearing directly upon this problem have been 
with card-sorting. Brown used playing cards, having 
his subjects sort them into four piles according to suit. 
They used one scheme one day and a different scheme 
the next day, and so continued to alternate from day to 
day. Brown concludes: "The inference to be drawn 
from these experiments is that learning to do a thing 
in two different ways is not detrimental. It may be 
helpful." 

I have performed extensive experiments similar to 
Brown's. My subjects sorted 150 cards into 30 boxes. 
The boxes were numbered from 11 to 40. The cards 
were numbered correspondingly, five to each number. 
One group of four subjects sorted an hour a day for 15 
days with one arrangement of the boxes and then for 15 
days with a different arrangement of the boxes. The 
boxes had the same numbers in both cases, but a differ- 
ent arrangement. Another group of subjects sorted 
for 30 days alternating from day to day from one ar- 
rangement to the other. The first method of forming 
the two mutually inhibiting sets of habits was clearly 



240 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 




Figure 88. Learning Curves, Card-sorting Experiment. The 
upper curve shows the results of sorting 150 cards into 30 boxes 
with a certain scheme of numbering, practice one hour a day for 
15 days. The lower curve shows the results obtained from a dif- 
ferent group of subjects who sorted for 30 days alternating one 
arrangement with a different arrangement. The lower curve shows 
the effects of interference. The scores are cards sorted per minute. 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 241 

the best. My experiment is essentially different from 
Brown's. Sorting cards into four piles is a different 
sort of thing from sorting them into 30 piles. When 
one sorts playing cards into four piles, he very quickly 
gets the pattern of the arrangement, and after only a 
few minutes, sorts with great speed. But this is not 
true when the number of bonds to be formed is great. 
Although my four subjects using the alternating 
method were slightly better learners than the other 
group, the results of their method were poorer. On 
the basis of my experiments, I should say that if one 
has two complicated sets of mutually interfering motor 
habits to form, the most economical procedure is to 
form one set, then the other. 

That two mutually interfering sets of habits can exist 
side by side in the same individual has been estab- 
lished by many investigators. In the card-sorting 
work of Miss Howe, already mentioned in previous 
chapters, practice with two interfering habits was car- 
ried further than has ever been done before. Her ex- 
periment extended over a period of seven months. She 
practiced on one scheme till she acquired great speed, 
then acquired speed in the other scheme. She alter- 
nated from one scheme to the other during the same 
hour, continuing with one scheme, however, till she 
reached maximum speed, then turning to the other. 
Finally, she alternated directly from a sorting with one 
scheme to the other. At her last sitting, she made the 
following records, which are the number of seconds re- 
quired for sorting the 150 cards: (The first number 
represents one scheme; the second, the other, and so 
on) 112, 112, 112, 112, 110, 107, 116, 120, 112, 117. 



242 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

This represents the placing of the cards at the rate of 
about two-thirds of a second to each card, which is a 
very great speed. 

An interesting question is: Is habit interference 
greater with fast learners or with slow learners? 
Brown found that interference was greater with fast 
learners but that they overcame it quickly. My own 
experiments seem to confirm Brown's conclusion, but 
the matter is not definitely settled, and forms an inter- 
esting problem for the future. Interference is certainly 
very different v/ith different individuals. In the mirror 
writing experiment, which involves the interference of 
old habits in the formation of new, some subjects can 
write the whole alphabet in two or three minutes, while 
some subjects can not do it in a whole afternoon. Just 
what causes this great difference has not yet been 
determined. We do not yet know just what type of 
person suffers most from interference, nor do we know 
whether it is an advantage or a disadvantage to suffer 
from interference. If one's old habits resist change, 
that makes for stability; on the other hand, it works 
against progress when progress means the breaking 
up of old habits. 

EXPERIMENTS AND EXERCISES. 

1. Only a simple experiment in transfer can be un- 
dertaken as a matter of demonstration and illustration. 
If the following experiment has not already been done 
it should nov/ be done. Use five rows of the card-sort- 
ing boxes. Make two sortings for each row. This can 
be done in an hour. Note that the scores for each suc- 
ceeding row are better than the preceding scores. How 
many causes for the improved scores can be discover- 



TRANSFERENCE AND INTERFERENCE 243 

ed ? If time is available, the instructor can repeat any 
of the shorter experiments reported in the chapter or 
discussed in the references, but transfer experiments, 
as a rule, are too difficult to be undertaken as a class 
exercise. 

REFERENCES. 

Bagley, W. C. and Squire, C. R., ExperiTnents on transfer of 
ideals of neatness, in Bagley's Educational Values, 1905, 188, 

Bair, J. H., The practice curve. P. R. INIon. Sup., No. 19, 1902. 

Bergstrom, J. A., Experiments upon physiological memory hy 
means of the interference of associations. A. J. P., V, 1893, 356. 

The relation of the interference to the practice effects of an 
association, A. J. P., VI, 1894, 433. 

Brown, W. Habit interference in card-sorting, Univ. of Cali- 
fornia Publications in Psychology, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1914. 

Coover, J. E. and Angeil, F., General practice effect of special 
exercise, A. J. P., XVIII, 1907, 328. 

Cowan, E. A., An experiment on the influence of training on 
memory, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 31. 

Culler, A. J., Interference and adaptability. Arch, of Psych. 
No. 24, 1912. 

Cummins, R. A., A study of the effect of hasket-hall practice on 
7}iotor reaction, attention a7id suggestihiUty, P. R., XXI, 1914. 
356. 

Dashiell, J. F., A comparison of complete vs. alternate methods 
of learning tivo haUts, P. R., XXVII, 1920, 112. 

Dearborn, W. F., The general effects of special practice in 
memory, P. Bui., VI. 1909, 44. 

Ebert, E. and Meumann, E., TJeher einige Grundfragen der 
Psychologic der Vehnngsphanomene im Bereiche des Geddcht- 
nisses. Arch. f. d. gesamte Psych., IV, 1904, 1. 

Evans, J. E., The effect of distraction on reaction time with 
special reference to practice and the transfer of training, Arch, 
of Psych. No. 37, 1916. 

Fracker, G. C, 07i the traiisference of traini7ig in memory. 
P. R. Mon. Sup., No. 38, 1908, 56. 

Gilbert, J. A. and Fracker, G. C, The effects of practice in 
reaction and discrimi7iation and discrimination for sound upon 
the time of reaction and discri7nination for other forms of stimuli, 
Univ. of Iowa Studies in Psychology, I, 1897, 62. 

Hewins, N. P., The doctrine of formal discipline in the light of 
experitnental investigatio7i, 1916. 

Judd, C. H., Practice and its effects on the perception of illu- 
si07is. P. R., IX, 1902, 27. 

The relation of special trairmig to ge7ieral intelligence (with 
Scholkow), Ed. Rev., XXXVI, 1908, 28. 

Kline, L. W., Some experimental evidence m regard to doctrine 
of f07'mal discipline, J. E. P., V, 1914. 



244 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



Leuba, J. H. and Hyde, W., A71 experiment in learning to make 
hand movements, P. R., XII, 1905, 351. 

Lyans, C. K., The doctrine of formal discipline, Ped. Sem., 
XXI, 1914, 343. 

Miles, W. R., A study in the correlation of elementary and high 
school grades, J. E. P., I, 1910, 537. 

Pofifenberger, A. T. The influence of improvement in one 
simple mental j}rocess upon other related processes, J. B. P., VI, 

1915, 459. 

Pyle, W. H., Transfer and interference in card-sorting, 3. E. P., 
X, 1919, 107. 

Reed, H. B., A repetition of Ehert and Meumann's practice 
experiment in memory, J. Exp. Psych,, II, 1917, 315. 

Ruediger, W. C, The indirect improvement of mental functions 
through ideals, Ed. Rev., XXXVI, 1908, 364. 

Ruger, H. A., The psychology of efficiency. Arch, of Psych. No. 
15, 1910. 

Kiigg, H. O., The experimental determination of mental dis- 
cipl'me in school studies, 1916. 

Sleight, W. G., Memory and formal discipline. B. J. P., IV, 1911. 
386. 

Starch, D., Transfer of training in arithmetical operations, 

J. E. P., II, 1911, 306. 

Thorndike, E. L. and Woodworth, R. S., The influence of 
improvement in one mental function upon the efficiency of other 
functions, P. R., VIII, 1901, 247, 384 and 553. 

Wallin, J. E. W., The doctrine of formal discipline; two neglected 
instances of transfer of training, J. E. P., I, 1910, 168. 

Washburn, M. F. and McMein, M., The effect of mental type on 
the interference of motor hahits, A. J. P., XX, 1909, 282. 

Winch, W. H., The transfer of improvement in memory in 
school children, B. J. P., Ill, 1910, 386. 

Additional researches in learning to spell, J. E. P., VII, 

1916, 93. 

Further work on numerical accuracy in school children, 
J. E. P., II, 1911, 262. See also same journal, 1910, 557. 

The transfer of improvement in memory in school children, 
B. J. P., II, 1908, 284. 

Woodrow, H., Practice and transference in normal and feeble- 
minded children, J. E. P., VIII, 1917, 85 and 151. 



Chapter XII. 
FATIGUE AND LEARNING. 

Nature of Fatigue. — The subject of fatigue has be^^T^ 
studied by both psychologists and physiologists. Many 
experiments have been performed. The literature of 
the subject is voluminous. It is difficult to sift the mass 
of results and determine what is established and what 
is not. The results, in many cases, are conflicting and 
inconclusive. The phenomena of fatigue are so com- 
plex, and so combined with all sorts of other phenomena 
that the experimenter finds it difficult to assign results 
to their proper causes. The phenomena nearly always 
appear in connection with practice effects, the one off- 
setting the other. Moreover, an adequate measure of 
fatigue, universally applicable, has not yet been dis- 
covered. Many of the physiological phenomena due to 
fatigue are also produced by other causes. Fatigue 
produces inability to work, but the work curve also falls 
because of many other causes, such as loss of interest, 
monotony, etc. It shall be our purpose in this chapter 
to present such facts of practical importance as seem 
to be definitely established. And, in spite of the fact 
that the psychology of fatigue can not be finally and 
definitely written, there is a respectable body of facts 
fairly well established. 

The fatigue of an organ is merely a reduced capacity 
to function brought on by work. In the functioning of 
the various organs of the body, their tissues are torn 

[245] 



246 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

down and the products of the katabolic processes are 
eliminated by various excreting organs. When work is 
of such amount that the waste products can not be 
eliminated as fast as produced, they are scattered over 
the body by the circulation and produce the effect 
known as fatigue. This effect is essentially incapacity 
^^ work. That the toxic substances produced in our 
bodies by the functioning of its organs lower their ca- 
pacity to function is definitely known, but just how 
they produce this incapacity is not known. It seems 
pretty clear that it is a nervous phenomenon. The 
fatigue poisons seem to lessen the conductivity of the 
nerves, thereby lowering their functioning capacity. 
Fatigue is therefore loss of ability to work, not so much 
because of lack of energy as because the energy is not 
available. 

The recent discoveries of a German physiologist 
seem to make conclusive the evidence that fatigue is 
due to certain toxic substances produced in the body. 
He found that certain antitoxins which he introduced 
into the body of his subjects counteracted the toxins 
produced by work. His experiments were conducted 
with guinea pigs and school children. By injecting the 
antitoxin into guinea pigs, he lessened fatigue in them. 
On school children, he performed the following experi- 
ment. A number of school children were divided into 
groups. The children of each group were required to 
do hard work in arithmetic. One group worked in a 
room the air of which contained the antitoxin. The 
pupils of this room suffered less from fatigue than the 
children who did not breathe air containing the anti- 
toxin. 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 247 

Measures of Fatigue. — Nearly every sort of mental 
and physical performance has been used as a measure 
of fatigue. In the earlier work some kind of physical 
test was usually used, especially aesthesiometry and 
dynamometry. The attempt was also made to deter- 
mine the presence of fatigue by changes in the circu- 
lation and respiration. While fatigue does produce defi- 
nite changes in both circulation and respiration, these 
changes are also produced by other causes, and are inti- 
mately connected with the emotions. Therefore when 
these changes occur, it is difficult to know what factor 
or what combination of factors has produced them. In 
practice, it is difficult to use any of the physiological 
methods with any degree of certainty. The school 
teacher is concerned with the fatigue of children due to 
mental v/ork. As a measure of mental fatigue, certain 
mental tests have proved far more successful than any 
of the physiological methods. A fairly successful 
method of measuring general mental fatigue is to take 
the measure of some simple mental function after first 
bringing the function to maximum efficiency through 
practice. For example, we can use auditory memory 
span for digits. We first bring this span up to its maxi- 
mum through practice. Then we apply the test as a 
measure of fatigue on the assumption that fatigue v/ill 
narrow the memory span. This is typical of the more 
successful fatigue experiments. The purpose of bring- 
ing the function up to its maximum efficiency before 
using a measure of its efficiency as a criterion of fatigue 
is to prevent practice effects from offsetting the effects 
of fatigue. 

Another successful method of studying fatigue is to 
measure the decrease in efficiency of some task continu- 



248 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

ously performed. School children can be kept at work 
continuously on some definite school task, as an exercise 
in arithmetic, and measures be taken of their efficiency 
at successive intervals of time. If practice effects are 
eliminated or accounted for, the amount of fatigue is 
indicated by the loss in efficiency. Such a method was 
used by Thorndike, Arai, and others. 

Kinds of Fatigue. — When fatigue is occasioned by 
mental work, it is called mental fatigue, when it is occa- 
sioned by muscular work it is called bodily or physical 
fatigue. Its nature is the same however caused. If 
fatigue is very great, its effects are general ; if not very 
great, its effects may be to some extent only local or 
specific. Owing to the effects of loss of interest in 
work, it is difficult to determine to what extent fatigue 
is general. Some experiments seem to indicate that 
in the case of mental fatigue, there is still ability to 
do physical work. And when one is so fatigued that he 
can not pursue the same kind of mental work profitably, 
it is often found that he can do some other kind of 
mental work with profit. This is probably not because 
mental fatigue is to a very great extent specific, but 
because it is relative. One can pursue one kind of 
mental work till the fatigue is so great for the interest 
in that subject that further work is not profitable, while 
work will still be profitable in another field where inter- 
est is fresh. This is not because there is more energy 
for the other field but because interest makes the en- 
ergy available. Common experience as well as experi- 
ments seem to indicate that when mental fatigue is 
very great, one is incapacitated for any kind of mental 
work. On purely a priori grounds, it would seem that 
fatigue must necessarily be rather general, for as the 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 249 

fatigue poisons accomulate, the circulation will scatter 
them till they affect the entire nervous system. In- 
capacity to work due to fatigue seems not to be because 
of depletion of the nervous or muscular tissue but is due 
to the effects of the poisons upon the nervous system. 
Certainly, very great fatigue due to muscular work in- 
capacitates one for serious mental work. Winch's ex- 
periments with the students in evening schools would 
seem to corroborate this view. These students were for 
the most part clerks who during the day were engag^'d 
in work chiefly physical. They fatigued so readily in 
the work of the night school, that Winch drev/ the con- 
clusion that such work was not profitable. 

Fatigue of School Children. — The first important 
practical question to raise is concerning the amount of 
fatigue occasioned in school children by the ordinary 
work of the day. Careful experiments have been per- 
formed by several investigators v/hich throw light on 
this question. The experiments of Winch, Gates, 
Thorndike, Heck and others are fairly unanimous to the 
effect that the regular work of the school occasions very 
little fatigue. Winch found that children 6 and 7 years 
old were more fatigued in the afternoon than v/ere 
children 11 years old, and those 11 years old more than 
those 13 years old. The extensive studies of Heck on 
fatigue of school children led him to the following con- 
clusion, which I give in his own words: ''Mental fa- 
tigue in relation to the daily school program is far less 
than is generally believed. The small amount of fatigue 
noticeable during the school day was more probably 
caused by improper conditions of ventilation, lighting, 
etc., than by the school work itself. Unhygienic con- 
ditions in the school and physical defects, however 



250 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

slight, in the children are undoubtedly the great causes 
of fatigue in most schools. The decrease in quality of 
work of children as the day advances, supposed to be 
more or less general in schools, is due less to a using 
up of the energy-producing materials in the nerve cells 
of the body and an autopoisoning of the nervous sys- 
tem by the waste products from this process, than to 
a loss of interest in the school work with its lack of 
vital and varied appeal and its monotony of instruction 
and environment. The bored child unconsciously or 
consciously, rebels and does a less correct amount of 
work. Continued work produces boredom and continued 
boredom decreases efficiency, on account of the close 
mutual relation betw^een physiological processes and 
mental attitudes. With sound bodies, a hygienic school, 
proper classification, frequent relaxation, a vital and 
varied curriculum, and live teachers, most children will 
show no problem of fatigue in relation to the daily 
school program. However, the individual variations 
in fatigue in children of the same class are so great 
that the teacher is under constant obligation to watch 
the easily fatigued child and decrease his work when- 
ever necessary belov/ the requirement for the class as 
a whole." The work of Thorndike leads to a similar 
conclusion. Under the author's direction extensive ex- 
periments have been carried out in several city school 
systems in three states to determine the learning capa- 
city at the end of the day as compared with the learn- 
ing capacity at the beginning of the school day. I did 
not attempt to measure fatigue, but to find an answer 
to this question: Is the capacity of school children to 
learn in the late afternoon any less than it is at the 
beginning of the school day ? The Whipple digit-symbol 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 251 

substitution test was used in these experiments. The 
results of the various experiments were in general 
agreement. The ability to learn just before dismission 
in the afternoon was only about 2 per cent, less than in 
the morning. Our results are therefore in agreement 
with those of Heck and Thorndike. 

The Course of Daily Efficiency. — Similar to the ques- 
tion just discussed is the problem of the change of 
working efficiency during the course of the day. But 
this is not precisely the same question, although it is 
related to the question of fatigue. After we awake in 
the morning from sleep, we have recuperated from the 
fatigue of the preceding day, but are not able to do our 
most efficient work of the day. During sleep the func- 
tioning of the various organs of the body is suspended 
or partially suspended. After we awake, it takes some 
time for them to rise to their maximum efficiency. 
Winch, using arithmetical reasoning as a measure of 
efficiency, studies children of both sexes and various 
ages and finds that at 11 :30 they do on the average 5.6 
per cent, better than at 9 :40. But in one school Winch 
obtained different results. This school v/as in a poor 
neighborhood. The pupils were the children of laborers 
and got up earlier in the morning than did the children 
of the other schools. The pupils in this school reached 
maximum efficiency earlier than the children who got 
up later. 

The extensive studies of Gates are in agreement with 
those of Winch. Gates* first study was with fifth and 
sixth grade school children. He used as tests of effi- 
ciency, addition, multiplication, auditory memory, visual 
memory, recognition, completion, cancellation, and 
speed and accuracy of movement. His results are re- 



252 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

produced in Figure 34. In the more purely mental func- 
tions there was an improvement up till nearly twelve 
o'clock, a decline at one o'clock, with some improve- 
ment up to three o'clock. The motor tests show an 
improvement throughout the day. There is better 
muscular control and better speed the latter part of 
the day. 

Gates performed similar experiments with 165 college 
students. With these students he used as tests, audi- 
tory memory, visual memory, substitution, recognition, 
and logical memory. The combined results of all the 

TABLE 35 (FROM GATES). 

Hour 8:00 9:00 10:0011:00 1:00 2:00 3:00 4:00 5:00 
Auditory 
memory : 

Mean 100.0 97.5 98.8 100.3 97.4 94.5 98.2 95.5 93.8 

Median 100.0 103.0 103.0 107.0 105.8 103.9 105.8 101.4 101.0 

Visual 
memory: 

Mean 100.0 99.3 101.5 107.0 105.8 103.9 105.8 101.4 101.0 

Median 100.0 100.0 103.0 101.5 96.7 100.0 104.0 101.5 100.0 

Substitu- 
tion: 

Mean 100.0 102.7 105.2 104.3 96.0 102.6 101.5 101.2 94.3 

Median 100.0 101.2 104.0 103.4 95.5 97.2 97.7 97.7 95.3 

Recogni- 
tion: 

Mean 100.0 115.7 122.2 115.7 106.5 111.0 120.0 120.0 118.5 

Median 100.0 108.0 117.0 112.0 96.4 99.0 117.0 121.0 117.0 

Logical 
memory : 

Mean 100.0 109.0 107.7 103.0 95.5 99.3 101.4 102.2 91.3 

Median 100.0 107.3 103.7 105.1 100.0 100.0 103.7 100.0 93.3 

Average 100.0 104.3 103.6 105.6 98.7 100.6 105.1 104.2 100.4 

In the above table from Gates, the eight o'clock records are 
taken as the standards of comparison and called 100. The records 
for the other hours are expressed in terms of per cent, of the 
eight o'clock records. 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 



253 




Sp.fA 



Figure 34 From Gates. The graphs show the course of efficiency 
during the day. Add.=addition ; Mult.=multiplication ; Aud.= 
auditory memory ; Vis.=visual memory ; Recog.=recognition • 
Compl.— completion ; Cancel.=cancellation ; Sp. and Ae.=speed and 
accuracy. 



254 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

tests are shown in Figure 35. The results are much 
the same as those obtained from the children. There is 
improved efficiency till nearly noon, lowest efficiency 
about one o'clock, an improvement till about three, a 
slight falling off at four and still more at five. In Table 
35 are shown in tabular form Gates' results from the 
students. The first record of the day is called 100, and 
the other records are expressed in terms of per cents, 
of this initial record. It is interesting to compare his 
results from the substitution test with those of the au- 
thor, mentioned above, obtained from school children of 
all ages. At 9 :25, the adults made a score of 179 digits, 
and at 3:25 a score of 177 digits, only about 1.3 per 
cent. less. The difference in the case of the children in 
our study was just a trifle more, i. e., the children were 
not quite so efficient in the late afternoon as compared 
with morning efficiency as was the case with the older 
students. It will be remembered that Winch found the 
younger children showing more fatigue as the day 
progressed than did the older children. From many 
sources the evidence is clear that children fatigue more 
readily than do older people. Children are not capable 
of such long sustained effort as is the case with adults. 
This is doubtless partly, though not wholly, due to lack 
of habituation. 

The practical significance of these studies on the 
course of diurnal efficiency is as follows : Neither chil- 
dren nor adults are capable of the best work early in 
the morning. They gradually come into the full swing 
of their power, and just before noon are able to do their 
best work of the day. Just after noon, their powers 
are at the lowest ebb for mental work, with some in- 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 255 

crease in efficiency toward the end of the school day. In 
arranging the school work of the day, then, the most 
difficult work should be placed at the last morning 
period; the least difficult just after noon. It has been 
suggested that motor work, such as drawing or writing 
might well come in the first afternoon period. While 
mental efficiency is lowest at this time, motor efficiency 
is higher than at any earlier period, though not so high 




Figure 35. The graph shows the course of eflScieucy during the daj 
in the case of college students. The horizontal line represents the 
efficiency at eight o'clock. The efficiencies for the other hours are 
represented in percents of the eight o'clock efficiency. 

as later in the afternoon. While these differences are 
not very great, they are great enough to be taken into 
practical account. If, for example, we wished to get the 
maximal effort from children in a mental performance, 
v/e should have them work from about 10:30 to 11:30. 
If we wish to get the maximal physical effort, we should 
have the work from about three to four o'clock. The 
accompanying conditions must be taken into account, 
however. The above facts are approximately true if 
the subjects are doing the ordinary school work, but are 
probably not true under other conditions. If the chil- 
dren should work at a much higher level of efficiency 



256 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

than is ordinarily the case in school, the point of highest 
efficiency would doubtless be shifted. It would probably 
come earlier. And if instead of doing the ordinary 
school work, they should be engaged in hard manual 
work, the point of highest efficiency at such work 
would doubtless come earlier than four or five o'clock. 

The work of several intestigators makes it appear 
that mental fatigue comes earlier than physical fatigue, 
under the same conditions of mental and physical work. 
If one works at hard mental work, fatigue comes earlier 
than if one works at hard physical work in a field where 
he is habituated. As mentioned above, fatigue is largely 
a nervous phenomenon. In mental work, the nervous 
system is much more fully involved than it is in physical 
work. 

Continuous Work. — From the laboratory of Professor 
Thorndike have come some interesting studies of long 
continued work of the same kind. The most notable 
work is that of Arai. This investigator practiced her- 
self at mental multiplication of five place numbers, and 
then worked for a long period. The notable thing in 
the results is that efficiency continued for so long a 
time with little falling off. 

Painter performed a similar experiment. Painter 
first reached stability through practice, then worked 
from 11:00 p. m. till 3:07 a. m., multiplying four place 
numbers. Inability to work seemed to come rather 
suddenly. He concludes: 'There exists a definite and 
relatively abruptly appearing point beyond which men- 
tal work becomes impossible/' It seemed to Painter 
that there was no "tailing off." He was not only unable 
to multiply four place numbers but was unable to do 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 257 

anything. Such a conclusion can not be accepted with- 
out further confirmation. Other experiments indicate 
that inabihty to work comes on by degrees. Memory 
span, for example, does not suddenly jump from the 
normal span to zero. Painter was working with an 
habituated process. It is possible that in the case of 
habituated processes, even though they are complex, 
inability to work may come rather suddenly, and that 
when one is unable to carry on such a process he is 
practically unable to do anything. 

In accepting Thorndike's conclusions in regard to our 
ability to do long-continued work without much fatigue 
and without much diminution in our ability to perform 
the work, a certain distinction must be kept in mind, 
namely, the difference between habituated and non- 
habituated work. Fatigue comes much more quickly 
in non-habituated work. The author once undertook 
to learn the point alphabet of the blind. Fatigue was 
so great that rest periods had to be allowed every fif- 
teen minutes. When children are learning to write, or 
trying to master any difficult feat of muscular co- 
ordination, fatigue comes very quickly, and rest periods 
should be frequent. In establishing new bonds in men- 
tal learning, fatigue also comes very quickly. 

For still another reason the distinction between 
habituated and non-habituated work must be kept in 
mind. As has been shown, one can perform a task in 
habituated work for a long period of time with little 
diminution in effectiveness. If one starts out to do a 
non-habituated task, one's efficiency rises for a time and 
then fails to rise any more during the work period, even 
though work continue for hours. Efficiency may remain 
at very near the same level, just as in the habituated 



258 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

performance it remains at nearly the same level. But 
two other things besides efficiency are to be taken into 
account. In the case of the non-habituated perform- 
ance, although the level of work remains about the 
same, the effect of the work in fixing the habit after 
the first three or four half -hours is practically nothing. 
Effective learning can not go on unless fatigue is at a 
minimum. And in the case of habituated work, al- 
though one can maintain the same high level of effi- 
ciency for a long period of time, that the after effects 
of a short period of work are the same as for a long 
period has not been demonstrated. The evidence points 
in the other direction. For long continued work, one 
pays the penalty afterward, as is indicated by the work 
of Smith which is discussed below. 

Fatigue Antitoxins. — In a preceding paragraph the 
discovery of a fatigue antitoxin was mentioned. This 
antitoxin introduced into the circulation of an animal 
delayed the effects of fatigue. The work of Miss Smith 
makes it look as if the body itself produces an anti- 
toxin which in some degree neutralises the effects of 
fatigue. Smith withheld sleep and then noted the effect 
on work. At first, the effect of loss of sleep seemed to 
enhance work, but later, after a day, or two or three or 
four days, work suffered from the loss of sleep. We can 
not consider such a notion established, but many phe- 
nomena seem to support Smith's inference as to the 
bodily antitoxins. Such a theory would explain the re- 
sults of Thomdike, Arai, and Painter, and the common 
observation of every day life of people who work for 
long periods at a high tension and then suffer from 
complete exhaustion. If as soon as waste products are 
produced in the body, the body sets to work not only to 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 259 

eliminate them but to neutralise them, one ought to be 
able, under sufficient incitement to work to the point of 
exhaustion. In such case exhaustion would be due not 
only to an accumulation of the fatigue toxins above 
elimination and neutralization, but also to at least a 
partial depletion of the tissues. Our attitude toward 
Smith's speculation must be that of waiting for fur- 
ther facts. 

Several experiments have been performed to deter- 
mine the fluctuations in efficiency during a work period. 
Phillips found that in the first minute of a ten minutes 
practice period, 6 to 12 per cent, more work was done 
in the fundamentals of arithmetic than for the average 
of the remaining nine minutes. Poffenberger compared 
the two halves of a very short work period. He gave 
subjects tests in opposites, adding, color-naming, and 
cancelling, of less than a minute in length. The first 
half of the work was done in less time than the second 
half. Poffenberger's inference was that fatigue had set 
in in this short time, and thought fatigue not so rare 
as sometimes supposed. Smith's hypothesis comes to 
mind in this connection. It is possible that when we 
start to work the waste products can not be immedi- 
ately taken care of either by elimination or neutraliza- 
tion. It doubtless takes some time for the production 
of the bodily antitoxins, if such a thing happens. 
Physiological processes can not be instantaneous. When 
waste products are produced anywhere in the body, it 
takes a measurable time for the body to establish a new 
equilibrium. It has been demonstrated that the func- 
tioning of the nerve fibres as well as the nerve cells re- 
quires the presence of oxygen. When a group of neu- 
rones begins to function, their supply of oxygen is tem- 



260 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

porarily depleted, a new balance must be established. It 
can not be established immediately, for the stimulus for 
the increased supply of oxygen is the need of it. This 
explains why it takes some time for one to come into 
the full swing of his power. When one starts a certain 
piece of work, the part of the nei'vous system involved 
is rested and in full functioning condition and can do 
well immediately, but can not do well continuously until 
a new balance of performance is established among all 
the processes involved, elimination, neutralization, oxy- 
gen supply, or whatever they may be. The author has 
extensive records which show that in card-sorting, even 
after considerable habituation is reached, the best work 
of an hour's sitting is not done at the beginning, but 
only after the sorting has gone on for a while. The 
records of four subjects are shown in Figure 36. (See 
also Fig. 8) . While there is some individual difference, 
all subjects agree in showing a drop in the curve or in- 
creased efficiency after the initial performance of the 
hour. This seems to be universally true in motor work. 
Sleep and Fatigue. — The best cure for fatigue is 
sleep. During sleep, the body does only the work neces- 
sary to keep life going. The waste products of work 
are eliminated during sleep. The waste of the tissues 
is repaired. A stable equilibrium is established. Sleep 
is absolutely necessary. The body by one device or 
another can keep at work for some hours, but eventu- 
ally it must have sleep. There must be complete cessa- 
tion from all work except what is necessary to keep the 
vital processes going. Several authorities have pub- 
lished statements giving the amount of sleep required 
by people of different ages. One of the latest state- 
ments is from Terman and Hocking. They give not the 
time people should sleep but the average amount of 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 



261 




rff36. 




/ Z J 'f^ ^ . 

Figure 36. The graphs show the course of efficiency during an hour 
after habituation in card-sorting, four different subjects. 



262 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

time they actually do sleep. Their data are from sev- 
eral places in western United States, and are shown in 
the accompanying table. 

TABLE 30. 

SHOWING THE AVERAGE TIME IN HOURS AND MINUTES SPENT IN 
SLEEP BY PEOPLE OF VARIOUS AGES, 

Age 6-7 7-8 8-9 9-10 10-11 11-12 12-13 

Amount of 

sleep 11:14 10:41 10:42 10:13 9:56 10:00 9:36 

Univ. Stu- 

Ages 13-14 14-15 15-16 16-17 17-18 18-19 dents. 

Amount of 

sleep 9:31 9:06 8:54 8:30 8:46 8:46 7:47 

The hours of sleep shown in the table may be taken 
as fairly representative of the amount of sleep required 
at the different ages. Rather, they should be taken as 
the minimum requirements, for it is doubtful that any 
of the figures used in computing the averages would be 
too high, and it is quite likely that in some cases, they 
would be too low. This would make the averages a lit- 
tle lov/er than they should be. 

It seems clear that some people need more sleep than 
do others, and doubtless the work one is doing makes 
some difference in the amount of sleep needed. Older 
people should determine by experiment hov/ much sleep 
they need, and take that amount. Parents should de- 
termine how much sleep their children need and see 
that the children get that amount. Present social con- 
ditions in the cities make it difficult for children to get 
enough sleep, for there are so many attractions to keep 
them up and awake in the evening. They consequently 
go to bed too late to get enough sleep before they have 
to get up to get to school on time. Teachers should 
make a study to determine the amount of sleep taken 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 263 

by their pupils, and should take such steps as are neces- 
sary to bring about the proper amount of sleep. 

Terman and Hocking found no relation between 
amount of sleep and intelligence or success in school. 
This need not mean that sleep is not a factor in school 
success but that other factors are of more importance 
than the slight variation in sleep. The children gifted 
by nature with superior endowment are able to hold 
their high ranks in school with varying amounts of 
sleep. The children dull by nature are not able to excel 
by any amount of sleep. But children whether bright 
or dull will do their best work v/hen they have plenty of 
sleep. 

Experiments have shown that the most value comes 
from the early sleep of the night. Sleep is then deeper. 
After only two or three hours of sleep, a subject shows 
as great working capacity as if allov/ed to sleep the re- 
quired amount. The experiments on which this state- 
ment is based did not determine how long the subjects 
could work, but only their efficiency for a short time. 
It is quite probable that an hour or two of sleep suffices 
for a removal of the fatigue poisons and a renev/al of 
the oxygen supply to the neurones, but is not sufficient 
for a renewal of the w^asted tissues. One's im.mediate 
capacity to work doubtless depends upon the amount 
of fatigue poisons present and on the oxygen supply in 
the central nervous system, but one's capacity for pro- 
longed work depends on the amount of available energy. 

If one wishes to keep his body in a high state of 
working efficiency, he should have enough rest during 
the day and sleep at night to enable the body to repair 
the waste of work. If one work in such a way that for 
a considerable time the outgo of energy exceeds the re- 



264 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

pair, then he must eventually pay the penalty. In sick- 
ness the body has to make such a fight to overcome the 
disease that it becomes very much weakened. There is 
often great loss of tissue shown by decrease in weight. 
After sickness, children therefore fatigue very easily, 
and when they return to school, their work should be 
lightened instead of increased. 

The Feeling of Fatigue, — It is of practical importance 
to know that the feeling of fatigue is no reliable cri- 
terion of the presence of fatigue. Fatigue may be pres- 
ent when one does not feel fatigued; and on the other 
hand one may feel fatigued when the body is not fa- 
tigued. The only sure test is the ability to work. Some- 
times one feels tired and is disinclined to work, but 
finds that if he will start in and try, after a little time 
he is working with great efficiency. A very interesting 
phenomenon is that of "second breath," a matter not 
yet fully explained. One may work for a time, fatigue 
comes on and there is lessened capacity for work, but 
it is often found that if one keeps on at the work, the 
capacity increases again and efficiency goes up perhaps 
even to a higher point than at first. Such rhythms may 
be repeated several times in the course of continuous 
work. Their explanation, while not fully known, doubt- 
less is to be found in the various physiological processes 
already discussed. An excess of waste products pro- 
duces the temporary incapacity, and at the same time 
stimulates the removal and renewal processes, which 
presently restore the original capacity. These rhythms 
keep up till there is probably temporary depletion of 
the tissues, which only rest and sleep can cure. 

Practice and Fatigue. — Several times we have called 
attention to the relation of practice to fatigue. Ha- 
bituation reduces fatigue. When we are learning a 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 265 

process fatigue is great, after we have acquired effici- 
ency, the work can be carried on for a long period of 
time with relatively little fatigue. These facts should be 
borne in mind in school work, especially in that of 
young children. In trying to master the move- 
ments of writing, the young child fatigues very 
easily; after the process is mastered, one can 
write for hours with little fatigue. The same 
is true in all work. When the organism be- 
comes adapted through the strengthening of the tissues 
and the establishment of the necessary neuro-muscular 
bonds work can go on for a long period of time with 
very much less fatigue than is occasioned earlier in the 
work. When a process is thoroughly habituated, it par- 
takes of the nature of a reflex, and can be carried on all 
day at a high point of efficiency. The organs and tis- 
sues concerned become so adapted and adjusted that 
they can maintain the processes for long periods of 
time. 

A related phenomenon is the fact that the best work- 
ers fatigue less easily than do the poor workers. The 
fastest workers usually make fewer mistakes than do 
the poor and slow workers. In the slow worker, the 
elements involved in the work are not so well co-ordi- 
nated; there is usually more waste of energy through 
interfering processes. Even in the same worker there 
is often found a direct relation between speed and 
accuracy, fewer mistakes being made in connection 
with the fastest speed. Some investigators have found 
an inverse relation between improvability and fatigue, 
those who improve the fastest suffering least from fa- 
tigue. These several phenomena have their chief ex- 
planation in facts of adjustment and adaptation. 



266 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Work and Oxygen Supply.— Physiological experi- 
ments have shown the necessity for the presence of 
oxygen in the functioning of the neurones. An isolated 
nerve fibre functions when oxygen is present. If it is 
placed in some other medium, it ceases to function. 
When oxygen is supplied, it functions again. These 
facts show the necessity for hygienic conditions proper 
for work. They show the importance of proper ventila- 
tion of school rooms, of the necessity for the whole 
breathing apparatus of the child being in perfect condi- 
tion. The open-air school has fully confirmed this con- 
clusion. One should also have constant pure air while 
asleep in order to facilitate the restoration of all the 
organs of the body to their full working power; Food, 
in proper quality and quantity is also necessary if chil- 
dren are to be in condition to profit to the full extent 
from instruction. It is folly to maintain schools at 
great expense and then go to no trouble to see that 
children are in proper condition to profit from the work 
of the schools. It is the business of a teacher not only 
to hold recitations, but to know that all the conditions 
necessary for effective work have been supplied. 

The Work of Students. — University students can 
profit from a consideration of the facts discussed in 
this chapter. Their energies are often dissipated. They 
too often have all sorts of activities and interests which 
consume both their time and energy. In some cases, 
the night is half gone before they get down to the work 
which is supposed to be the proper work at a univer- 
sity. But the assignments must be prepared, so they 
work, or attempt to work, when their bodies are in no 
condition for work. The energy of our body is like the 
money in our purse. When it is gone, it is gone. If it 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 267 

is spent in one way, then it is not available for spend- 
ing in another way. We have to decide; we have to 
choose. If we spend all of our energy performing in 
the side shows, there is none available for the main 
circus. 

A very serious trouble among students is that they 
do not keep their bodies physically fit, to be able to 
learn effectively. The body, after all, is a motor ma- 
chine. To be maintained in a high state of effective- 
ness, a large amount of motor work is necessary. Few 
people break down on account of too much work, but 
they often break down on account of too much work 
^or the conditions under which they live. 

EXPERIMENTS AND EXERCISES. 

1. Simple experiments showing the relation of fa- 
tigue to learning can be undertaken. The instructor 
and students should work out a plan for comparing the 
learning capacity of students under various degrees of 
fatigue. Nonsense syllables should be used for learning 
material. Various plans can be devised for inducing fa- 
tigue. 

2. The course of daily efficiency can be studied after 
the manner of Gates. Determine the learning capacity 
for nonsense syllables for various hours of the day and 
night. The work can be much simplified by dividing 
the class into groups, measuring their learning capa- 
city by identical procedure, then let different groups 
try out learning at different hours of the day and night. 

REFERENCES. 

Avai, T., Mental fatigue, Columbia Univ. Cont. to Ed., No. 54, 
1912. 

Ash, I .E., Fatigue and its effect upon control. Arch, of Psych., 
IV, No. 31, 1914. 

Burnham, W. H., Oxygen supply as a condition of efficient 
hrain activity, J. E. P., II, 1911, 421. 



268 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



Burnham, W. H., The hygiene of sleep, Ped. Sem., XXVII, 
1920, 1. 

Dodge, R., The laws of relative fatigue, P. R., XXIV, 1917, 89. 

Garth, T. R., Mental fatigue. Arch, of Psych. No. 41, 1918. 

Gates, A. I., Diurnal variations in mcmorii and assoeiation. Univ. 
of Cal. Pub. in Psych., I, No. 5, 1916, 323. 

Heck, W. H., A study of mental fatigue, 1913. 

Holliii^worrh, H. L., Variations in ejflcicncii during the icorJx- 
ing day,^P. R., XXI, 1914, 473. 

Lee, P. S., The nature of fatigue, P. S. M., LXXVI, 182. 

Marsh, H. D., The diurnal course of efficiency, 1916. 

Mosso, A., Fatigue, Eng. tr., 1904. 

McDougal, W., On a new method for the study of concurrent 
me7ital operations and of mental fatigue, B. J. P., I, 1905, 435. 

Offner, M. M., Mental fatigue, Eng. tr. by Whipple, 1911. 

Painter, W. S., Efficiency in mental multiplication under 
extreme fatigue, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 25. 

Phillips, F. M., A comparison of the work done in the successive 
minutes oj a ten-minute practice period in the fundamentals of 
Arithmetic, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 271. 

Poffenberger, A. T. and Tallman, G. G., VariaMUty in per- 
formance during hrief periods of work, P. R., XXII, 1915, 371. 

Root, W. T., Jr., A study of mental fatigtie with a group of five 
hoys, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 533. 

Seashore, C. E. and Kent, G. II., Periodicity and progressive 
change in continuous mental toork, P. R. Mon. Sup., VI, No. 
28, 1905. 

Smith, M., A contribution to the study of fatigue, B. J. P., VIII, 

1916, 327. 

Starch, D. and Ash, I. E., The oriental work curve, P. R., XXIV, 

1917, 391. 

Terman, L. INI. and Hocking, A., The sleep of school children, its 
distribution according to age and its relation to physical and 
mental efficiency, J. E. P., IV, 1913, 138, 199 and 269. 
Thorndike, E. L.. Mental Fatigue. P. K.. YII, 1900, 400 and 547. 
Mental Fatigue, J. E. P., II, 1911, 61. 
The curve of work, P. R., XIX. 1912, 165. 
The effect of continuous exercise and of rest upon difficult 
mental multiplication, J. E. P., V, 1914, 597. 

Fatigue in a complex function, P. R., XXI, 1914, 402. 
Wells, F. L., Practice and the ivork curve, A. J. P., XXIV, 1913, 
35. 

Normal performance in the tapping test before and during 
practice, tvith special reference to fatigue, A. J. P., XIX, 1908, 437. 
Wimms, .T. H., The relative effects of fatigue and practice pro- 
duced by different kinds of mental work, B. J. P., II, 1907, 153. 

Winch, W. H., Mental adaptation during the school day as 
measiired by arithmetical reasoning, J. E. P., IV, 1913, 17. 



FATIGUE AND LEARNING 269 

Some measurements of mental fatigue in adolescent pupils in 
evening schools, J. E. P., I, 1910, 13 and 83. 

Mental fatigue in clay school children as measured hy imme- 
diate memory, J. B. P., Ill, 1912, 18 and 75. 

Mental fatigue in day school children as measured hy arith- 
metical reasoning, B. J. P., IV, 1911, 315. 

Wright, W. R., Some effects of incentives on work and fatigue, 
P. R., XIII, 1906, 23. 

Yoakum, C. S., An experimental study of fatigue, P. R. Mon. 
Sup., No. 46, 1909. 



Chapter XIII. 
INBORN NATURE IN RELATION TO LEARNING. 

Habits and knowledge are the results of established 
bonds, instincts are the result of inherited bonds. In 
the strict sense, an instinct is a response connected to 
its stimulus by an inherited neural bond. This inherited 
bond may have all degrees of definiteness, from zero on 
the one hand to absolute definiteness on the other. It 
is our purpose in this chapter to enquire into the rela- 
tionship between the inherited bonds and the acquired 
bonds, particularly into the use that can be made of 
the instincts and emotions in the work of forming 
habits and acquiring knowledge. 

In the first place it is necessary to correct an er- 
roneous notion in regard to the instincts. Some writers 
state that the instincts are the basis of all our acquire- 
ments, that every habit is merely the modification of 
some instinct. This is not true. We are bom v/ith a 
nervous system with some differences in resistance to 
various types of stimuli already established. But any 
conceivable connection of stimuli Vvith responses is pos- 
sible. We have the nerves. They go on the one hand 
to sense organs ; on the other, to muscles. The stimulus- 
response couplings that are possible are practically in- 
finite, regardless of the inherited couplings. Not only 
are inherited bonds not the basis of all acquirements, 
but we can overcome and reverse inherited differential 
resistances. The inherited bonds are colorless or indif- 

[270] 



INBORN NATURE AND LEARNING 271 

ferent to most of our acquirements. For example, lan- 
guage, saying the multiplication table, playing a piano, 
are in no sense modifications of instincts. Some chil- 
dren learn to call a certain animal a "dog" ; others, learn 
to call it "ein Hund"; the ancient Pwoman called it 
"canis." And we could just as well learn to call it any- 
thing else, for there is no inherited bias in the matter. 
In playing the piano, the position of the notes on the 
staff determine what piano key we shall strike. It is 
of course absurd to believe that there is any inherited 
bias for striking one key for a certain note rather than 
some other key. The part which the instincts play in 
our learning is other than forming the basis of our 
acquirements. 

Imitation. — -Imitation is not an instinct in the strict 
sense. If it were, then the perception of an act would, 
without training, be an adequate stimulus for the act. 
But such is not the case. However, the tendency to imi- 
tate, the desire which children have to do what they 
see others do, is an inborn human characteristic. This 
tendency is universal in the human race, and from the 
point of view of education, is one of the most important 
of all human traits. The tendency to do what is seen 
done probably has more to do in leading a child to a 
mastery of the v/orld which immediately surrounds him 
than any other single factor with the possible excep- 
tion of play. One has only to observe children in the 
home to be convinced of the importance of imitation. 
The little girl wants to do and tries to do all that she 
sees her mother do. She attempts to do all that she 
sees done. The acts which she thus attempts, she can 
not perform at first, unless these acts have already been 
mastered in some other connection, but she tries to do 



/ 



272 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

them, and she keeps on trying till they are mastered. 
As a rule, when such an act is mastered, it loses its at- 
traction, and the child passes on to the mastery of some 
other perceived action. The result is mastery of all 
the mother does; and in acquiring this mastery, the 
girl has learned a great many things about the world. 
The case is similar with the boy, only his world is 
larger. In mastering what he sees his father and other 
older people do, he not only learns to do many different 
things, but learns much about the world in all its varied 
aspects. He learns much about forces and energy, the 
principles of machines, etc. One can hardly overesti- 
mate the importance which imitation has in adjusting 
and adapting the child to the physical and social world. 
Through imitation, children acquire their language, 
manners and customs, traditions, morals, religion, and 
their attitude toward nearly all important aspects of 
life. It is doubtful whether any other factor is so im- 
portant in developing habits of honesty, industry, per- 
severance, and the various important ideals of life and 
character. 

Imitation in School Work.— Imitation can be used in 
school as a method of mastering mechanical processes, 
such as arithmetical processes, writing, drawing, and 
music. The first step in the process of habit-formation 
should be demonstration by the teacher. When any 
new process is taken up, say long division, the teacher 
should demonstrate clearly every step in the process. 
This is a matter of economy. Such a procedure leads to 
quick mastery. The child should not have originality in 
formal processes. He needs merely to master them 
and do them as older people do them, and master them 



INBORN NATXJRE AND LEARNING 273 

in the quickest possible way. To imitate the perform- 
ance of the teacher is the quickest way. 

Imitation and Ideals, — During- the high school period, 
which covers roughly the period of adolescence, boys 
and girls acquire what, in most cases, prove to be their 
final life ideals. These ideals are copied from the acts 
of their fellows, primarily from their elders, and from 
the acts which they read about in literature and his- 
tory. It seems probable that the attitudes and ideals 
which adolescents acquire are of far more importance 
to their lives afterward than all the facts they acquire 
during this period. If this is true, and the author be- 
lieves it is, then the influences which the school, home 
and all the other social forces bring to bear to develop 
these ideals and attitudes, are of more importance than 
the ordinary formal high school curriculum. The actual 
amount of the content of the high school curriculum 
that gets into the life of the boys and girls, and becomes 
an important factor there, is doubtless small, but there 
can be no doubt of the profound influence on their lives 
of the moulding of character that goes on during this 
period. The character-formation of these years is cru- 
cial and determining for the future. All educational 
forces that concern this period should take these facts 
into account. In careful, scientific fashion the sources 
of adolescent ideals should be determined and measured. 
Of great use here is literature. The high school teacher 
of literature has great things within her power. The 
whole literature of the world, of all ages and all coun- 
tries, should be studied with reference to its value in 
bringing before adolescents'^the highest ideals of action. 
In spite of apparent indications to the contrary, adoles- 
cents are teachable, susceptible, easily swayed one way 



274 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

or another. The teachings of the world's great teachers 
should be brought before them. Under the sympathetic 
guidance of teachers and parents these forces mould 
the character of the boy and girl. 

Imitation in Adult Life,— Imitation is an important 
factor not only in the lives of children, but in the lives 
of men and women. Throughout adult life, imitation is 
one of the great social forces. In childhood, as shown 
above, we become adapted and adjusted largely through 
the process of imitation. As long as we live imitation 
holds us to the forms to v/hich we have become accus- 
tomed. Of course, other factors are also at work, the 
desire of public approval and the fear of public con- 
demnation. These three forces are the whip which 
makes us conform, makes each do what all the others 
are doing. What others are wearing, I must wear; 
what others are saying, I must say; what others are 
doing, I must do; what others are learning, I must 
leam; what others are thinking, I must think. The 
press comes to the aid of conformity. We read the 
same newspaper at breakfast, the same magazine after 
supper, the same ''best seller" at the week-end. Educa- 
tion itself is a great force for conformity. Education is 
conservative ; it moulds us in the same mould. It must 
necessarily be organised and systematised. In the 
process there is a danger that the child will lose origi- 
nality and initiative. Organisation and systematisa- 
tion are but means to an end. The end is the teaching 
of children. The machinery of education has its proper 
function, and principals and superintendents who direct 
the machinery have their proper functions, namely to 
secure all those conditions that will enable the best 
teachers to do their work in the best way. We must 



INBORN NATURE AND LEARNING 275 

not, however, lose sight of the fact that the final goal 
which all must strive to reach is good teaching. The 
school must preserve a proper balance between con- 
servatism and progress. While the school is an institu- 
tion of society one of whose great functions has been 
to hand down to a new generation that which the old 
generations thought good, it must also be a means of 
progress by encouraging and stimulating individuality. 
In impressing the past on the young, we must not de- 
stroy the future. Imitation is the aspect of inborn na- 
ture which makes possible the great influence which the 
old generation has upon the new. But there are also in 
human nature inborn tendencies which work for varia- 
tion and individuality. The wise teacher will seek a 
proper balance between the two sets of tendencies. 
There must be a certain degree of conformity if we are 
to live together with any considerable contentment and 
happiness, but the conformity must not be such as to 
destroy all initiative, individuality, and progress. 

Rivalry and Learning.— One of the oldest and strong- 
est inherited tendencies in man is the tendency to fight. 
For ages unnumbered, our ancestors have been fighters. 
Each human individual has had to look out for himself. 
Natural selection has picked out the fighter. Our an- 
cestors were those who overcame their adversaries. 
Man's progress has been one great fight. Every step 
has been marked in blood. As a result of the constant 
action of natural selection, there have been established 
in us many strong inherited tendencies connected with 
individual survival, that may be called the individual- 
istic instincts. Examples of these instincts are the acts 
connected with rivalry, competition, fighting, and with 
the emotions of anger, envy, and jealousy. The stimuli 



276 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

that evoke these various tendencies and responses are 
attacks upon ourselves. This attack may be an actual 
physical attack upon our person, or a threatened 
attack. It may, however, be merely a verbal attack 
upon our belief, or our looks, or our friend or relative. 
Whatever the nature of the attack, the physiological 
response is much the same. There are characteristic 
changes in the heart-beat, circulation, respiration, and 
in various other muscles and organs. A strong emotion 
is aroused, as anger, or envy, or jealousy. 

When children start to school no tendency is stronger 
or more marked than individualistic tendencies. The 
self is then the biggest thing in the v^orld. Children 
are constantly measuring themselves with one another. 
They not only compare their personal selves but every- 
thing that belongs to them, their parents, their homes, 
their clothes. I have heard children boast of how many 
times they had been to the dentist! Eternal competi- 
tion is the rule of child life, as it has been the rule of 
all life, all business, all trade, in fact almost everything 
in the life of man. What should be the attitude of the 
teacher toward this characteristic of childhood? We 
can not get rid of it. It permeates almost every fibre 
in the structure of life, and every work and institution 
of man. We must take it into account if we are going 
to deal with hum^an nature because it is a large part of 
human nature. Fortunately it has its good aspect. Self 
respect depends upon this aspect of our nature. When 
a person has no fight in him, he is just about hopeless. 
As society and human nature are now constituted, we 
must make a limited use of competition in learning. 
The desire to excel must continue to be a motive. But 
the use we make of rivalry and competition must be 



INBORN NATURE AND LEARNING 277 

limited. As the child grows older we can develop other 
motives. We can create desire for things in them- 
selves, desire for absolute good, apart from what others 
may have. Education must certainly take this attitude, 
for nearly all the pain and sorrow and trouble in the 
world are due to some aspect of selfishness. This selfish- 
ness is in human nature, it is true, but our only hope for 
any sort of decent life consists in suppressing certain 
aspects of selfishness, and in developing sympathy and 
co-operation. The hope of the world lies in building 
school houses rather than battleships. As long as peace 
is maintained by the sword, it is not peace, it is merely 
a truce. 

Roving and Collecting Tendencies. — Man's wild life in 
the past has left him with two tendencies which are 
educational assets. The child, by nature, dislikes con- 
finement, restriction of liberty, and likes freedom. Chil- 
dren like to be going, to see new things, to have new 
experiences in other places. A closely related tendency 
is collecting. A child, by nature, picks up and takes 
along with him everything that attracts attention and 
is loose. Education can profit greatly from both these 
tendencies. Part of the work of education is learning 
the world. The world is, for the most part, outside of 
the school house. The child must go out to study it. 
The river, the mountain, the animals, the plants, nearly 
all the world, is outside, and the child must go out to 
study it. He can bring back to school not only a report 
but specimens. From the specimens should be made 
a school museum, which should be a reproduction of 
the world outside. 

Play and Education. — From the point of viev/ of edu- 
cation, imitation and play are the most important 



278 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

aspects of child life for they lead to nearly all acquire- 
ments. The importance of imitation has already been 
pointed out. Play is the spontaneous activity of the 
individual. It is doing what we want to do, it is the 
expression of our inmost desires, our most real self. 
Play activities are those intrinsically pleasurable, those 
which we seek for the pleasure which they give and not 
for any good that results. The child learns most suc- 
cessfully when his practice has in it the spirit of play. 
This is at once evident to us when we remember what 
was said in preceding chapters about attention and in- 
terest. We learn best when we are attentive and when 
the learning or its result is pleasurable. To put it in 
another way : we learn best when we put our whole self 
into the learning. In no other activities are these con- 
ditions so well met as in play activities. But it is not 
always easy to realise these conditions. We who are old 
set the tasks for those who are young. We know what 
is best for the young to learn. We put them to work 
to do what w^e impose upon them. One is not likely to 
put forth all his energy except in a self-imposed task. 
The learning of children will progress at a much faster 
rate if we can enlist their native desires and their own 
ambitions. Many helpful improvements can be made 
in this direction. Goals and objectives can be selected 
that are near instead of remote. While the ultimate 
end of education is adult efficiency, closer ends can al- 
ways be made out. A child can not be expected to work 
on indefinitely in the mere hope that some time, some- 
where, he will reap some return for his labors. In a 
large measure a child's present needs can be used as 
incentives which lead to performances that prepare for 
later life. About all this amounts to is this : In as far 



INBORN NATURE AND LEARNING 279 

as possible, we are to make appeal to the child's native 
equipment, native desires, and native ambitions. The 
danger is that the teacher, in making this appeal, will 
go to an extreme that will cause education to lose more 
than it gains. While we learn best when we do what 
v/e want to do, an education that permits the child to do 
only what it wants to do is no education at all. For life 
is such and this world is such that we all have to do 
many hard things, many disagreeable things. No one 
ever amounts to anything who has not learned to do 
what is hard, who has not learned to stick to a task 
undertaken. No use of play should be made in educa- 
tion that in any way hinders us in giving the child a 
discipline and a training that will lead to worthwhile 
achievement. The proper solution of the problem con- 
sists in leading the child to form ambitions and aims 
and desires in the attainment of which he is willing to 
work to the uttermost. After all, we never succeed in 
education until our aims have become the child's aims, 
until our purposes have become his purposes. 

Manipulation. — A native tendency that is of use in 
early education and all later education as well, is that 
of manipulation. The child, by virtue of its inborn 
nature, wishes to touch, handle, manipulate all that it 
sees. In the early years of infancy this tendency leads 
the child to a mastery of many things in its environ- 
ment. Of course, it is a rather expensive tendency, and 
parents usually suppress it in the interest of preserving 
the furniture and other household implements, such as 
clocks, sewing machines and door bells. In suppressing 
this tendency, parents kill or partially kill one of the 
most important characteristics of human nature. True 
and accurate knowledge comes only from contact with 



280 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

things, only from manipulation. But in opposition to 
all that is natural, we take the child to school, put it 
into a seat, tell it to keep its hands off of things, and 
give it a book. As a result, the child's education is a 
sort of second hand education, one or more steps re- 
moved from reality. The proper procedure would be 
to use in every step of education the inborn tendency 
to manipulate. In getting a knowledge of the world, 
the child should manipulate the various objects of the 
world. 

The Emotions and Learning. — Our discussion of the 
inborn nature of children leads us finally to a considera- 
tion of the emotions and their relation to learning. Our 
emotions are the most intimate parts of us; they are 
back of nearly all that we voluntarily do. At the bot- 
tom of nearly every act is love, or hate, or envy, or 
jealousy, or anger, or fear. Nothing of very great con- 
sequence is ever undertaken that does not have back of 
it some emotion. The great teacher is he who has a 
profound understanding of human life, and knows how 
to mould and change it ; knows how to use what he finds 
as a means of making the child different. 

In the preceding chapters of this book we have dis- 
cussed many factors and elements of learning, we have 
tried to find the most economical ways of learning. And 
this is well for we must use every known means 
to facilitate learning. But no factor is of more signifi- 
cance than the emotions. It is worth while that a child 
practice for the proper length of period at whatever he 
is trying to learn, but unless he is in the proper emo- 
tional attitude it does not make much difference 
whether he practice at all. The great teacher is he who 
can profoundly influence the child, who can inspire, and 



INBORN NATURE AND LEARNING 281 

command respect and reverence. The teacher is not 
merely to find out what the child wants and help him 
to attain his wants, but should change the wants. The 
child is to be changed into a being that wants the higher 
things. What gives us pleasure is in a large measure 
the result of experience and training. It is the business 
of the teacher to train the child to get pleasure from the 
higher things of eternal value. All knowledge, all 
habits are merely a means. The end is the satisfaction 
of the higher nature of man. The teacher in the detail 
of teaching geography, or arithmetic, or history, should 
always have in mind the higher aim of education as a 
whole; should always remember that education is to 
lead to knowledge, and habits, and ideals that are the 
means of living a life that is worthy of man. 

EXPERIMENTS AND EXEPvCISES. 

1. Make a rough study of the effects of emotion on 
learning by learning nonsense syllables under different 
emotional conditions. Within the course of a few v/eeks, 
oportunity for the different experiments may be offered. 

2. Make a study of the different treatises of instincts, 
such as are found in Kirkpatrick's Fundamentals of 
Child Study or the author's Outlines of Educational 
Psychology, and select all those aspects of original 
nature that can be used in learning. 

REFERENCES. 

Barnes, E., Studies in education, Vol. I, 1896, Children's Col- 
lections, p. 144. 

Burk, C. F., The collecting instinct, Fed. Sem. VII, 1900, 179. 

Carver, A., The generation and control of emotions, B. J. P., 
X, 1919, 51. 

Dearborn, G. V. N., The influence of joy, 1916. 

Hall, G. S., A Study of anger, A. J. P., X, 1898-99, 516. 



282 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



Henry, T. S., The education and control of emotions, J. E. P., 
VIII, 1917, 407. 

Hunter, W. S., The modificatio7i of instinct from the standpoint 
of social lihychology, P. R., XXVII, 1920, 247. 

Johnson, G. E., Education by plays and games, 1907. 

Kantor, J. R., A functional interpretation of human instincis, 
P. R., XXVII, 1920, 50. 

Kline, L. W., Truancy as related to the migrating instinct, 
Ped. Sem., V, 1897-98, 381. 

The migratory impulse vs. love of home, A. J. P., X, 1898- 
99, 1. 

Martin, L. J., The training of emotion, 1918. 

Ordahl, G., Rivalry, its genetic development and pedagogy, 
Ped. Sem., XV, 1908, 492. 

Richardson, R. F., The jysychology a7id pedagogy of anger, Ed. 
Psych. Mon., No. 19, 1918. 

Saxby, I. B., Some conditions affecting the groioth and perma- 
nence of desire, B. J. P., IX, 1917, 93. 

Tolman, E. C., Instinct and purpose, P. R., XXVII, 1920, 217. 
For fuller treatment of the instincts and for more extensive 
references, see the chapters on the instincts in the author's Out- 
lines of educational psychology. 



Chapter XIV. 
MEASURES. 

Central Tendency. — After measuring the learning 
capacity of a group of students, we must have some 
method of expressing and interpreting the results. The 
first important determination is the central tendency. 
There are three commonly used measures of central 
tendency, the average, the median, and the mode. To 
find the average, we simply add the scores made by the 
various individuals tested and divide the sum by the 
number of cases. The median is the middle measure. 
To find the median it is necessary to rank the subjects 
tested on the basis of efficiency in the test, giving the 
person making the highest score the rank 1; the next 
highest, the rank 2; the next highest, the rank 3, and 
so on to the poorest. We then find that rank that has 
as many ranks above it as below it. The score which 
this rank represents is the median score. It often hap- 
pens that the median represents no actual score, as 
when the number of cases is an even number, and when 
the median falls within a group of cases having the 
same score. In such cases, the median must be calcu- 
lated as shown in the illustration. 

The three measures of central tendency may be illus- 
trated from the following data, which represent the 
speed in seconds attained by each of 64 university stu- 
dents, sorting 25 cards into five boxes. The numbers 

[283] 



284 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

given represent the 12th score. The actual scores were 
as follows: 20, 19, 21, 11, 19, 16, 17, 21, 19, 27, 16, 15, 
13, 16, 21, 16, 15, 20, 22, 17, 16, 22, 15, 20, 15, 17, 18, 
22, 18, 16, 20, 15, 17, 25, 20, 16, 19, 20, 22, 17, 25, 16, 
20, 24, 24, 21, 21, 22, 24, 19, 16, 13, 21, 24, 18, 18, 19, 
16, 15, 16, 18, 20, 15, 13. 

Score in Number of 

Seconds. Cases. Sum. 

11 1 

13 3 

15 7 

16 11 

17 5 

18 5 32 

19 6 32 

20 8 

21 6 

22 5 

24 4 

25 2 
27 1 

The sum of the scores is 1189; the number of cases 
is 64. 1189-^-64=18.56, the average. By arranging the 
scores as shown in the accompanying table, it can be 
seen that 32 scores are 18 seconds or less, and that 32 
cases are 19 seconds or more. The median therefore 
lies midway between 18 and 19, and is 18.5 seconds. 
Suppose we omit the slowest person, whose time was 
27 seconds, and find the median of the 63 remaining 
scores. There are 31 scores of 19 seconds and slower 
and 32 scores of 18 and faster. The median lies in the 
group of five making a score of 18 seconds. In such a 
case we find the percentage of this group that must be 
added or subtracted to make the number of cases equal, 
and add or subtract, according to which way we are 
counting, this percentage to the last score preceding 



MEASURES 285 

the score of the group in which the median lies. The 
number of scores up to and including 17 seconds is 27. 
Half the number of scores is 31V2- 311/2—27=41/2. 
There are 5 scores in the group 18. 41/2 is .9 of 5. We 
therefore add .9 to 17, which gives a median of 17.9. 

The mode is the most frequent measure. Reference 
to the table shows that 16 seconds is the mode. 

Measures of Variability. — After we have measured 
the central tendency of a group, we need to know the 
variability, i. e., how much the members of the group 
vary from the central tendency. There are three com- 
mon measures of variability, the average deviation, the 
standard deviation, and the probable error. The aver- 
age deviation is simply the average amount of deviation 
from the central tendency. It is found by finding each 
individual's deviation from the central tendency, adding 
these amounts without regard to whether they are posi- 
tive or negative, and dividing by the number of cases. 
The standard deviation is the square root of the aver- 
age of the squares of the individual deviations. The 
probable error is that measure above and below the 
central tendency that includes half the cases. All of 
these measures can be illustrated from the scores from 
card-sorting given above. For computing them, it is 
customary to use either the median or the average as 
the measure of the central tendency. We shall use the 
measure 18.5, which is practically both the median and 
the average. In the table are shown the individual 
scores, the deviations, the squares of the individual 
deviations. 



286 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



Score 


d 


d"" 


22 


3.5 


12.25 


24 


5.5 


30.25 


20 


1.5 


2.25 


15 


3.5 


12.25 


24 


5.5 


30.25 


19 


.5 


.25 


20 


1.5 


2.25 


21 


2.5 


6.25 


21 


2.5 


6.25 


15 


3.5 


12.25 


21 


2.5 


6.25 


11 


7.5 


56.25 


17 


1.5 


2.25 


22 


3.5 


12.25 


19 


.5 


.25 


18 


.5 


.25 


24 


5.5 


30.25 


16 


2.5 


6.25 


22 


3.5 


12.25 


19 


.5 


.25 


17 


1.5 


2.25 


18 


.5 


.25 


16 


2.5 


6.25 


21 


2.5 


6.25 


10 


2.5 


6.25 


13 


5.5 


30.25 


19 


.5 


.25 


20 


1.5 


2.25 


21 


2.5 


6.25 


27 


8.5 


72.25 


15 


3.5 


12.25 


24 


5.5 


30.25 


16 


2.5 


6.25 


17 


L5 


2.25 


18 


.5 


.25 


15 


3.5 


12.25 


25 


6.5 


42.25 


18 


.5 


.25 


13 


5.5 


30.25 


20 


1.5 


2.25 


19 


1.5 


2.25 


16 


2.5 


6.25 


16 


2.5 


6.25 


IG 


2.5 


6.25 


21 


2.5 


6.25 


19 


.5 


.25 


15 


3.5 


12.25 


16 


2.5 


6.25 


20 


1.5 


2.25 


16 


2.5 


6.25 


15 


3.5 


12.25 


22 


3.5 


12.25 


18 


.5 


.25 


20 


1.5 


2.25 


17 


1.5 


2.25 


20 


1.5 


2.25 


22 


3.5 


12.25 


25 


6.5 


42.25 


15 


3.5 


12.25 


17 


1.5 


2.25 


16 


2.5 


6.25 


13 


5.5 


30.25 


16 


2.5 


6.25 


20 


1.5 


2.25 









Slim 179.0 712.00 

The sum of the individual deviations is 179. 
179_^64=2.8, A. D. The sum of the squares of the 
individual deviations is 712. 712-^64=11.12. The 
square root of 11.12=3.3, the S. D. or cj. 

To determine the probable error, we count back each 
way from the average or median till we have 32 cases. 
Taking two seconds above and below gives us 24 cases. 
In the 16-second group are 11 cases, and in the 21-sec- 
ond group are 6 cases. In the two groups are 17 cases. 
Only eight of them can be counted to make up the re- 
quired 32. Eight is .47 of 17, the probable error is 
therefore 2.47 seconds. In a normal distribution, the 
probable error is .6745 of the standard deviation. If 
the scores were distributed in accordance with the nor- 
mal frequency curve, the probable error would be .6745 
of 3.3, or 2.23. 



MEASURES 



287 



16 

24 
13 
12 

11 
10 

8 

6 

S 
4 
3 
^ 
1 



/=>?. jj 



n 



/J 






/^ /<^ /^ ^^ <-2- 
/^ // ^^ //. '-^ 






FiGUEE 37. Frequency Surface or Curve of Distribution. The 
scores are represented on the horizontal axis, and the number of 
subjects making the respective scores, on the vertical axis. 



288 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



The relationships among the different measures of 
variability are as follows: 

S. D.==1.2533 A D., 1.4825 P. E. 

P. E.= .6745 S.D., .8453 A. D. 

A.D.==1.1843P.E., .7979 S.D. 

Frequency Surfaces. — The frequency surface or 
curve of distribution is a graphical means of represent- 
ing the distribution of a group with reference to some 
measure. The distribution of the scores given above is 
shown in Figure 37, constructed as follows : We deter- 
mine the number of cases included in the 10 and 11 
minute groups, the 12 and 13 minute groups, the 14 
and 15 minute groups, and so on. The scores are rep- 
resented on the horizontal axis and the number of 
cases for each score, on the vertical axis. We arbi- 
trarily select some unit to represent one case, and then 
simply take those distances above the base that repre- 
sent the several numbers of cases. The score-groups 
with their respective numbers of cases are as follows : 
10-11, 1; 12-13, 3; 14-15, 7; 16-17, 16; 18-19, 11; 20-21, 



Fi^.n 



Figure 38. Normal Frequency Curve. a=the probable error 
b=the ahe average deviation ; c=the standard deviation. 



MEASURES 289 

14; 22-23, 5; 24-25, 6; 26-27, 1. A normal distribution 
or symmetrical curve is shown in Fig. 38. Human 
traits are probably distributed in accordance with the 
normal curve, and in measuring human traits, if we 
have a large number of cases, we may expect our re- 
sults to approximate the normal curve. 

Correlation. — By correlation we mean the relation 
that exists between two functions. For example, sup- 
pose we have measured the several abilities of the 
members of a group in one kind of learning and wish 
to compare those abilities with the corresponding 
abilities in another kind of learning, we resort to the 
correlation formula. In a small group, mere 
inspection of the results of the experiments would 
enable us to make a rough comparison of the two differ- 
ent functions, but from mere inspection we could not 
make an accurate quantitative statement. There are 
several formulas for computing correlation. The one in 

2XY 

more general use is the Pearson formula, r= , 

n 0^ 02 
in which 

r==correlation, 

2= the algebraic sum of 

X=the individual deviations in one function, 

Y=the individual deviations in the other function, 

n=the number of cases, 

o-i=the standard deviation in one function, 

cr2=the standard deviation in the other function. 

We give below an illustrative problem. In column one 
are given the scores of a group of 15 students in visual 
substance learning, in column 4 are given their corre- 
sponding scores in visual verbatim learning. 



290 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

12345678 

41 _ 9 81 44—6 36 54 

36 —14 196 35 —15 225 210 

48—2 4 53+3 9 — 6 

52+2 4 57+7 49 14 

64 +14 196 61 +11 121 154 

62 +12 144 62 +12 144 144 

60 +10 100 02 +12 144 120 

62 +12 144 52+2 4 24 

54+4 16 51+1 1 4 

47—3 9 30 —20 400 60 

45—5 25 27 —23 529 115 

39 —11 121 61 +11 121 —121 

51+1 1 56+6 36 6 

47—3 9 55+5 25 — 15 

45 — 5 25 45—5 25 25 

1075 1869 930 142 

The scores are shown in columns 1 and 4, the devia- 
tions in columns 2 and 5, the squares of the deviations 
in columns 3 and 6, the plus products are shown in 
column 7 and the minus products in column 8. The 

1075 

standard deviation for the first column is V =8.46. 

15 
1869 

The standard deviation for column 4 is V =11.16. 

15 
The numerator of the fraction in the Pearson formula 
is the algebraic sum of the products of the individual 
deviations. The sum of the plus products as shown in 
column 7 is 930. The sum of the minus products as 
shown in column 8 is 142. 930—142=788. We then have 
788 

r= =.556. 

15X8.46X11.16 
A simple method of computing correlation by using 
rank differences instead of the absolute deviation is 
what is known as Spearman's "Foot-Rule" formula: 



MEASURES 291 



R = l- 



n"~l 

in which R==correlation, 

:§=:the sum of 

g=an individual's gain in rank in the second function 
over the rank in the first function, 

n=-.the number of cases. 

The Spearman formula gives a lower correlation than 
the Pearson formula. 

The procedure in using the Spearman formula is as 
follows : Rank the subjects with reference to standing 
in one function, then find their corresponding ranks in 
the other function. The gains in rank are then added 
and multiplied by 6. This product is the numerator of 
the fraction. The denominator is one less than the 
square of the number of cases. The fraction converted 
into decimal form is subtracted from 1. The result is 
the correlation. The result is not so accurate as that 
obtained from the Pearson formula because no account 
is taken of the absolute amount of individual differ- 
ences. It is a useful formula for rough determination 
of correlation when there are only a few cases. 

The use of the Spearman formula is illustrated in 
the following example from the same data used in 
illustrating the Pearson formula. In the first and third 
columns are given the scores in the two functions. In 
the second column are the ranks in the first function, 
and in the fourth column are the ranks for the second 
function. In the fifth column are indicated the gains in 
rank. 



292 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

12 3 4 5 

64 1 61 3.5 

62 2.5 62 1.5 1.0 

62 2.5 52 9 

60 4 62 1.5 2.5 

54 5 51 10 

52 6 57 5 1 

51 7 56 6 1 

48 8 53 8 

47 9.5 30 14 

47 9.5 55 7 2.5 

45 11.5 45 11 .5 

45 11.5 27 15 

41 13 44 12 1 

39 14 61 3.5 10.5 

36 15 35 13 2 

Sum of gains=22 
6X22 

1 =.41=R. 

224 
N=15, W = 22o, N^— 1=224. 

Probable Error of Correlation. — The formula for de- 
termining the probable error of correlation is, 

1— r' 

P. E.=.6745 

Vn 

In the illustration of the Pearson formula above, the 
correlation was found to be .556. (.556) •=.309136. 

1_.309136=.690864, 

V15=3.87, 

.690864-f-3.87=:.18=P. E. 

A correlation is not of much significance unless it is 
at least three times its P. E. 

Conversion of Grades and Scores. — It often happens 
that we wish to convert scores or grades made in dif- 
ferent experiments or different subjects to the same 
basis for purpose of comparison, or to be able to add 
the scores and give a single rating for all the scores 



MEASURES 293 

combined. The object of reducing to the same basis is 
to be able to give the same weight to the different 
measures. For example: Suppose we have given a 
number of different mental tests to students and wish 
to express in one number their respective abilities. If 
we simply add the scores more weight is given to those 
scores that have a high average, but if we reduce the 
scores in each test to a common average, each test has 
the same weight in this average. It makes no differ- 
ence what average is chosen, but 50 is a convenient 
number. The process of conversion is as follows : Find 
the average in each test, and then give each subject a 
score that has the same ratio to his actual score that 
50 has to the actual average. By the use of a slide rule 
this conversion can be quickly and accurately done. In 
tests that have a work limit, efficiency depending upon 
time required to do the work, a low score means high 
efficiency. In such cases, first determine the reciprocals 
of each score by means of a slide rule or by using tables, 
such as Barlow's, then make tiie conversion as explained 
above. 

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Rivalry ; its genetic development and pedagogy, Ped. Sem., 
XV, 1908, 492. 

Otis, A. S., Do tve think in words?, P. R., XXVII, 1920, 399. 

Painter, W. S., Efficiency^ iti mental multiplication under ex- 
treme fatigue, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 25. 

Patterson, T. L., Pedogogical suggestions from memory tests, 
J. E. P., IX, 1918, 497. 

Pechstein, L. A., Alleged elements of waste, in learning a motor 
proUem 'by the "i^arr' method, J. E. P., VIII, 1917, 303. 

Whole vs. part methods in learning nonsensical syllables, 
J. E. P., IX, 1918, 381. 

^ Perkins, N. L., The value of distributed repetitions in rote 
learning, B. J. P., VII, 1914, 253. 
^ Peters, C. C, The influence of speed drills upon the rate and 
the effectiveness of silent reading, J. E. P., VIII, 1917, 350. 

Peterson, J., TJie effect of attitude on immediate and delayed 
repetition, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 523. 

Peterson, A., Correlation of certain mental tests in normal 
school students, P. R., XV, 1908, 323. 

Phillips, F. M., A comparison of the loork done in successive 
7ninutes of a ten-minute practice period in the fundamentals of 
arithmetic, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 271. 

Phillips, P. M., Yalue of daily drill in arithmetic, J. E. P., IV, 
1913, 159. 

Poffenberger, A. T., The influence of ifiprovement in one men- 
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Poffenberger, A. T. and Tallman, G. G., Variability in perform- 
ance during brief periods of work, P. R., XXII, 1915, 371. 

Pohlmann, A., Experimentelle Bcitrdge zur Lehre vom 
Gedachtnis. 1906. 

Potwin, E. B., Study of early memories, P. R., VIII, 1901, 596. 

Pyle, W. H., Retention as related to repetition, J. B. P., II, 
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Economical Learning, J. E. P., IV, 1913, 148. 
Concentrated vs. distributed i>ractice, J. E. P., V, 1914, 247. 
Standards of mental efficiency, J. E. P., IV, 1913, 61. 
and Snyder, 

, The most economical unit for committing to memory, J. E. P., 
II, 1911, 133. 

Is learning capacity constant for different types of material?, 
J. E. P., X. 1919, 121. 

A study of the mental and physical characteristics of the 
Chinese, S. and S., VIII, 1918, 264. 

Pyle, W. H. and Collings. P. E., The mental and physical devel- 
opment of rural children, S. and S., VIII, 1918, 534, 

Ruediger, W. C, The indirect improvement of mental functions 
throuoh ideals, Ed. Rev., XXXVI, 1908, 364. 



800 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 

Ruger, H, A., The psychology of efficiency, Arch, of Psych., 
No. 15, 1910. 

Reed, H. B., A repetition of Ehert and Meumann's practice 
experiment in memory, J. Exp. Psych., II, 1917, 315. 

Race, H. V., A study of a class of children of superior intelli- 
gence, J. E. P., IX, 1918, 91. 

Rich, G. J., Directed attention and learning, J. E. P., VIII, 1917, 
239. 

Richardson, R. F., The psychology and pedagogy of anger, 
Ed. Psych. Mon. No. 19, 1918. 

Rietz, H. L., On the correlation of the marks of students in 
mathematics, and in law, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 87. 

Root, W. T., A study of mental fatigue loith a group of five 
hoys, J. E. P., VII, 1916, 533. 

Ruckmich, C. O., The psychology of piano instruction, J. E. P., 
V, 1914, 185. 

Rugg, H. O., The experimental determination of mental dis- 
cipline in school studies, 1916. 

Seashore, C. E. and Kent, G. H., Periodicity and progressive 
change in continuous mental work, P. R., Mon. Sup., VI, No. 28, 
1905. 

Shaw, J. C, A test of memory in school children, Ped. Sem., 
IV, 1896, 61. 

Simpson, B. R., Correlations of mental aUlities, T. C. Cont. to 
Ed., No. 53, 1912. 

Sleight, G. W., Memory and formal discipline, B. J. P., IV, 1911, 
386. 

Smith, W. G., The) place of repetition in memory, P. R., Ill, 
1896, 21. 

Smith, F. 0., The effect of training in pitch discrimination, 
P. R. Mon., No. 69. 

Smith, M. and McDougal, W., Some experiments in learning 
and retention, B. J. P., X, 1920, 199. 

Smith, T. L., On muscular memory, A. J. P., VII, 1896, 453. 

Smith, M., A contribution to the study of fatigue, B. J. P., 
VIII, 1916, 327. 

Snoddy, G. S., An experimental analysis of a case of trial and 
error learning in the human suhject, P. Mon., No. 124, 1920. 

Spearman, C., General intelligence objectively determined and 
measured, A. J. P., XV, 1904, 201. 

Manifold suh-theories of the ''two factors'', P. R., XXVII, 
1920, 159. 

Starch, D., Transfer of training in arithmetical operations, 
J. E. P., II, 1911, 306. 

Periods of work in learning, J. E. P., Ill, 1912, 209. 
Correlations among abilities in school studies. J. E. P., IV, 
1913, 41L 

Starch, D. and Ash, I. E.. The mental icork curve, P. R., 
XXIV, 1917, 391. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 301 

Stetson, G. R., Some memory tests of whites and blacks, P. R., 

IV, 1897, 285. 

Stickland, G. I., The inftuence of practice in the correlation of 
aUlities, J. E. P., IX, 1918, 393. 

Strong, E. K., The effect of time interval upon recognition 
memory, P. R., XX, 1913, 339. 

Two factors which influence economical learning, Journal of 
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The effect of length of series upon recognition memory, 
P. R., XIX, 1912, 447. 

An i7iteresting sex difference, Ped. Sem., XXII, 1915, 521. 
Swift, E. J., Studies in the psychology and physiology of learn- 
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Memory of a complex skillful act, A. J. P., XVI., 1905, 131. 
Talbot, E. B., An attempt to train the visual memory, A. J. P., 
VIII, 1897, 414. 

Terman, L. M. and Hocking, A., The sleep of school children, 
its distribution according to age and its relation to physical and 
mental efficiency, J. E. P., IV, 1913, 138, 199, 269. 

Thompson, G. H., A hierarchy without a general factor, B. J. P., 
VIII., 1916, 271. 

Thorndike, E. L., Mental fatigue, P. R., VII, 1900, 466, 547. 
Memory for paired associates, P. R., XV, 1908, 122. 
The effect of practice in the case of a purely intellectual 
function, A. J. P., XIX, 1908, 374. 

The relation between memory for words and memory for 
numbers, and the relation between memory over short and mem- 
ory over long intervals, A. J. P., XXI, 1910, 487. 

Practice in the case of addition. A. J. P., XXI, 1910, 483. 

Mental Fatigue, J. E. P., II, 1911, 61. 

The curve of work. P. R., XIX, 1912, 165. 

Repetition vs. recall in memorising vocabularies. J. E. P., 

V, 1914, 596. 

Notes on practice. improvabiUtv, and the curve of work. 
A. J. P., XXVII. 1916, 550. 

The effect of continuous exercise and of rest upon different 
mental multiplication. J. E. P., V, 1914. 597. 

Fatigue in a complex function. P. R., XXI, 1914, 402. 

and Lay, W. and Dean, P. R., The Relation of accttracy in 
sensory discrimination to general intelligence, A.J.P., XX, 1909, 36-*. 

and Woodworth, R. S., The influence of improvement in one 
mental function upon the efficiency of other functions. P. R., VIII, 
1901, 247, 384, 553. 

Tolman, E. C, Retroactive inhibition as affected by conditions 
of learning, P. Mon., No. 107. 1917. 

Instinct and Purpose, P. R., XXVII, 1920, 217. 
Wallin, J. E. W., Two neglected instances of the transfer of 
training, J. E. P., I, 1910, 168. 

Has the drill become obsolescent?, J. E. P.. I, 1910, 200. 



302 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



Washburn, M. F., The effect of the interval hetiveen repetition 
on the speed of learning a series of movements, A. J. P., XXIV, 
1913, 580. 

The effect of mental type on the interference of motor haMts, 
A. J. P., XX, 1909, 282. 

Watkins, S. H., Immediate memory and its evaluation, B. J. P., 
VII, 1914-15, 319. 

Weglin. D. E., Correlation of abilities of high school pupils. 
1917. 

Wells, F. L., Normal performance in the tapping test before 
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The relation of practice to individual differences, A. J. P., 
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Practice and the ivork curve, A. 3. P., XXIV, 1913, 35. 
Practice effects of free association, A. J. P., XXII, 1911, 1. 
and Henmon. V. A. C. Concerning individual differences in 
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Whipple, G. M. and Curtis, J. N., Preliminary investigation o) 
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Whitley, M. T., An empirical study of certain tests for indi- 
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Wimms, J. H., The relative effects of fatigue and practice pro- 
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Winch, W. H., Mental adaptation during the school day as 
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Some measurements of mental fatigue in adolescent pupils in 
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Additional researches on learning to spell — transfer and 
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Further loork on numerical accuracy in school children. 
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The transference of improvem^ent in memory of school chil- 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 303 



Woodrow, H., Practice and transference in normal and feeble 
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1909. 



INDEX 



Abstraction aud isolation, 235. 
Add, learning to, 24. 
Adding, experiments in, 42. 
Algebra, study of, 238. 
Analysis of experience, 102. 
Archery, experiments in, 42. 
Arithmetic, drill in, 74. 
Arps, 62. 

Association, laws of, 54, 93. 
y^ Attention and learning, 53. 
Attention, range of, 81. 
Attitude and learning, 57. 
Attitude of school children, 59. 

Bagley, 227. 

Bean, 134. 

Bergstrom, 62. 

Bigham, 128. 

Binet, 130. 

Bolton, 121. 

Book, 137. 

Bryan, 32. 

Bright and dull pupils, 195. 

Brown, 14. 

Burt, 166. 

Cattell, 209. 

Chapman, 47, 80. 

Card-sorting experiment, 179. 

Central tendency, 283. 

Chamberlain, 119. 

Chinese, learning capacity of, 
203. 

Collecting tendencies, 277. 

Collings, 195. 

Concentration, 54. 

Continuous w^ork, 256. 

Conversion of grades and scores. 
292. 

Correlations, 184, 289. 

Coover and Angell's experi- 
ments, 221. 

Country children, learning capa- 
city of, 201. 

Cramming, 153. 



Cross education, 225. 

Curtis, 78. 

Curve, different form of, 28. 

Dallenbach, 81. 

Daily efficiency, course of. 

2.50, 251. 
Dearborn, 38, 221. 
Definiteness of bond, 64. 
Definite procedure, 85. 
DIFFERENCES IN 

LEARNING CAPACITY, 193. 
Disposition, 60. 
Distribution of pupils, 20O. 
Donovan, 75. 

Drill, miscellaneous factors, 79. 
Practical interference, 82. 

Early life preparatory, 85. 
Ebert and Meumann's experi- 
ments, 216. 
Ebbinghaus, 130, 133, 136. 
ECONOMICAL LEARNING. 36. 
ECONOMICAL LEARNING, 

. GENERAL FACTORS, 53. 
Education and conformity, 274. 
Education, machinery of, 274. 
Education and heredity, 210. 
Education, higher aim of, 281. 
Efficiency, maximum, 29. 
Emotion and learning, 280. 
English, indefinite, 66. 
Environmental iufiuences, 208. 

Fast learner, characteristics of, 

55. 
FATIGUE AND 

LEARNING, 244. 
Fatigue, antitoxins, 258. 
feeling of, 263. 
Gates' experiments, 254. 
in habituated work, 257. 
in non-habituated work. 
257. 



[305] 



306 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



kinds of, 247, 248. 

and learning, 245. 

measures of, 246, 247. 

nature of, 244. 

of school children, 248, 249 
Feeling and learning, 6G. 
Feeble-mindedness, Mendellian 

206. 
Finkinbinder, 133, 134. 
Forgetting, 133. 
Formal drill, 74. 
Fraeker, 221, 222. 
Franklin, 65. 



Galton, 206. 

Gates. 119, 248, 250. 

Geissler's experiments, 57. 

Generalised experience, 235. 

General ability, 86. 

General learning capacity, "uat 

ure of, 169. 
General mental factor, 171. 
Getting knowledge, 101. 
Goddard, 206. 
Guillet, 152. 



Habit, 1. 
Hahn, 42. 
Hawkins, 128. 
Heck, 248. 
Henderson, 123. 
Henmon, 128, 130. 
Henri, 130. 

Hereditary factors, 207. 
Hill, 139. 

Hollingworth, 191. 
Howe's experiments, 22, 29. 
How to study, 108. 
Hyde and Leuba's experiment;? 
226. 

Ideas, initial connection, 8. 
Ideational disturbances, 56. 
IDEATIONAL LEARNING, 91 
Ideation learning, tests of, 181 
Ideational method, 8. 
Improvement, amount possible 

22. 
Improvement, limit of, 26. 



(^ 



mitation, 271. 

in adult life, 274. 

in school life, 272. 

and ideals, 273. 
Inattentive learning, 55. 
Individual differences, 193. 

cause of, 206. 
INBORN NATURE IN RELA- 
TION TO LEARNING, 270. 
Incentives, 61, 80. 
Initial connection, 6. 
Interference, 239. 

Brown's experiments, 239. 
Interrelations of mental func- 
tions, 164. 
Instinct and habit, 270. 

James. 121, 235. 
-lost, 37. 
Judd, 226. 

Kemsies, 128. 
Kirby, 42. 
Kirkpatrick, 79. 
Kline, 67. 
Knowledge, 2. 

and ideas, 91. 

of end, 61. 

of errors, 63. 

function of. 11. 

physiological basis of, 6. 

of score, 62. 

of when material is to he 
used, 63. 
Knowing relations. 236. 

Latin, study of, 238. 
Life-bents, 60. 
LEARNING CAPACITY, 

MEASURING. 175. 
Learning capacity and flnal 

efficiency, 189. 
Learning, a matter of degree, 20.' 
and memor.y, 113. 
motor, 48. 

objectively considered, 3. 
physiologically considered, 

4. 
regularity of, 163. • 



INDEX 



307 



relation to retention, 122. 

relation to other functions, 
185. 

specific, 236. 

tests. 177. 
LEARNING CURVES, 10. 
Learning curves, construction 

of, 16. 

rise of, 19. 

explanation of rise, 23. 

smoothing of, 31. 
Length of series, 129. 
Lyon, 124, 130. 

Man as result of learning, 13. 

Manipulation, 279. 

Marble-sorting experiment, 180. 

Manner of presentation, 127. 

Mathematics, definite, 06. 

Meaning 108. 

MEASURES, 283. 

Measuring reasoning capacity. 
106. 

Measures, where made, 183. 

Memorj^ and age, 114. 

Memory, immediate and de- 
layed, 149. 

Memory and intelligence. 141. 

Memory and practice, 120. 

Memory and sex, 117. 

Memory, different kinds of, 143. 

jNIemory experiments, interpre- 
tation of, 224. 

Memory material, 126. 

Memories, interrelation of, 162. 

Meumann, 130. 

Motor learning, tests of, 179. 

Musical ability, 209. 

Muller and Schumann, 121, 123. 

Mulhall, 119. 

Murphy, 42, 47. 

NATURE OF LEARNING, 1. 
NATURE OF LEARNING 

CAPACITY, 157. 
Negro children, learning capa- 
city of, 182, 203, 205. 
Norsworthy, 123. 

Ogden, 123. 



Ordahl, 59. 

Organisation of experience, 100. 

Painter, 256, 258. 

Perkins, 37. 

Peters, 77. 

Peterson's experiments, 58, 221. 

Phillips, 75. 

Pitch discrimination, 81. 

Plateaus, learning, 31. 

Play and education, 227. 

Plasticity, 12. 

Pohlmann, 128. 

Poor learners, 255. 

Position in series, 153. 

Practice, 44, 46. 

Practice, direct, 79. 

distribution of, 43. 

in mental functions, 80. 

periods for children, 48. 

periods, length and distri- 
bution of, 36. 

vs. study, 226. 
Preferential routes, 5. 
Primary experience, 99. 
Punishments, improper, 61. 
Pyle, 38, 165. 

Radical differences, 203. 

Radossawljewitch, 133. 

Reasoning, 96. 

Re'asoning, specific, 105. 

Recognition, 151. 

Retentiveness, individual differ- 
ences in, 144. 

Retention, measurements of, 149. 

RETENTION OF 

EXPERIENCE, 113. 

Retention over long periods. 
136. 

Rewards, 69. 

Rivalry and learning, 275. 

Roving tendencies, 277. 

Rote memory, 148. 

Ruediger, 227. 

Ruger, 227. 

Scholarship, stability of, 207. 
School and individual differ- 
ences, 210. 



f&^ 



308 



THE PSYCHOLOGY OF LEARNING 



School room drill, 78. 

Sensational disturbances, 50. 

Simpson, 166, 167, 172. 

Skill, how much desirable, 87. 

Sleep and fatigue, 260. 

Sleight, 221, 222. 

Smedley, 128. 

Snoddy, 67. 

Spearman, 172. 

Specific abilities, 168. 

Spelling, drill in, 77. 

Spurts, 29. 

Strong, 47, 151. 

Starch. 88, 39. 

Substitution test, 177. 

Swift, 138. 

Teacher, function of, 89. 

Thinking, 95. 

Thorndike and Woodworth's ex- 
periments, 225. 

Thorndike, 75, 78, 140, 172, 206, 
256, 258. 

Transfer of knowledge, 226. 

TRANSFERENCE AND 

INTERFERENCE, 218. 

Transference, discriminative 
judgments, 224. 
factors of, 280. 



factors of, in card sorting, 

220. 
Gilbert and Fracker's ex- 
periments, 225. 
historical and critical, 214. 
interpretation of results, 

229. 
memory exrteri|ments, 
methods of studying, 215. 
Rugg's experiments, 227. 
summary of evidence, 229. 
Trial and error, 7, 10. 
Typewriting: experiments,, 
Pyle's, 43. 

University students, variations 
in, 198. 

Variability, measures of, 285. 
Verbatim learning, 107. 
Voluntary recall, 152. 
Von Sybyl, 128. 

Wallin, 77. 
Whipple, 78, 81. 
Winch, 221, 222, 248, 76. 
Work of students, 265. 
Wright, 02. 



01 



